Azad Kashmir Government: Birth and growth
© Shams Rehman
Officially the Kashmir day is celebrated
in Azad Kashmir on 24th of October when the present government of
Azad Jammu and Kashmir was arguably established. However, there is more to this
story. Several independent sources including the declaration of the present AJK
government itself prove beyond any doubt that another government existed before
the 24th October government. The opening paragraph of the 24th
Ovctober decleration reads:
“The Provisional
Azad Government which the people of Kashmir had set up- a few weeks ago, with
the object of ending intolerable Dogra tyrannies and securing to the people of
the state, including Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, the right of the free
self-government has now established its rule over a major portion of the state
territory and hopes to liberate the remaining pockets of Dogra rule very soon.”[1]
The provisional
Azad government refered to in the above decleration was declared on 4th
October 1947 with an alias name Mr Anwar (actually Ghulam Nabi Gilkar) as
president and Barriester Sardar Ibrahim Khan as Prime Minister. In his
Presidential address Mr Gilkar stated:
“With the end of the British
rule, the Maharaja Hari Singh’s claim to rule the state (by virtue of the Sale
Deed of Amritsar) has also come to an end.”[2]
The declaration stated for the
government to be an inclusive of all state people regardless of religion,
region or other distinctions and also desired for friendly relations with the
neighboring states of India and Pakistan.
Mr Ghulam Nabi Gilkar was a Kashmiri
from the Valley who was instrumental in setting up the Reading Room Party along
with Sheikh Abdullah and others which introduced new political awakening in the
Valley and was later linked with similar political activism in other parts of
the state, especially Jammu that initiated the mass movement of 1930s.
Barrister Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim Khan of Poonch was made Prime Minister while
Nazir Hussain Shah Finance Minister, Mr Faheem as agricultural Minister, Mr
Aleem (meaning Knowledge) Education Minister and Mr Karkhana (meaning factory)
as the Minister for industry. It is widely believed that the names of the
latter two ministers like that of the president were also not their real names.
This government was reorganized on 24th
October 1947just two days after the tribal invasion from Pakistani side[3].
The new government clearly acknowledged the 4th October government
and adopted its declaration to be a non-communal government having friendly
relations with India and Pakistan. The prime minister of the 4th
October government Sardar M Ibrahim was made head of the 24th
October government. He was woken up at midnight by two Pakistani ‘kingmakers’,
Mr Khawaja Abdul Rahim and Ms Nasim Shah Nawaz to be appointed as president of
the reconstituted government of Kashmir.[4]
I had been amongst Kashmiri who claimed
that the 4th October government was an independent some would say a
revolutionary Kashmiri initiative and demanded this government to be restored.
However, recently the re reading of this period of Kashmiri history has
illuminated some aspects of this government that are usually overlooked but
need critical analysis. For example on 25th September 1947, just
over a week before the decleration of the ‘Azad Kashmir’ government, a
provisional government was formed for Junagarh, a Hindu majority princel state
ruled by a Muslim Nawab who announced accession to Pakistan on 15th
August[5]
but for some reasons the government of Pakistan made that public only on 15th
of September 1947.[6]
Led by Samaldas
Gandhi "[t]he Provisional Government of Junagadh
moved to Saurashtra and took possession of the Junagadh House at Rajkot. Young
men from all over Saurashtra flocked to its banner of freedom. Large sums of
money flowed in, volunteers were armed and trained. On the Dessehra Day, the
"Day of Victory" - October 24, 1947 - the volunteers of the
Provisional Government began their operations. People rose against the Nawab's
rule in several parts of Junagadh[7]."
What
that had to do with the Azad Kashmir government? Well look at this account:
“[W]hen the Government of India ousted the Nawab of
Junagarh, the Government of Pakistan approached Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Ahmad of
Qadiyan and authorized him to take appropriate measures with regard to Kashmir.
Mirza called Gilkar to Lahore. Several rallies were held at Rattan Bagh,
Lahore. Besides Gilkar the rallies were attended by Mufti Zia-ud-Din Poonchi,
Chowdhury Rahim Dad advocate, Master Mir Alam Kotli, Ammanullah Khan of Khor
Pattan, Professor Muhammad Ishaq Qureshi, and Syed Muhammad Abdullah Qadri.
Suggestions put forth by the concerned persons were discussed threadbare and a
plan of action was chalked out. It was during these meetings that the issue of
forming an ad hoc Azad Kashmir government was discussed. Mufti Zia-ud-Din
Poonchi was told to announce the government but he refused. Syed Muhammad
Abdullah Qadri also refused. Finally, Gilkar came forward and declared the
government.[8]
Another aspect of this government that
deserves attention is the appointment of Sardar Ibrahim as the Prime Minister.
It is officially publicised and celebrated by the New Muslim Conference that
the party approved a resolution for the accession of Kashmir to Pakistan on 19th
July 1947 at the residence of the same Sardar Ibrahim Khan. It is also on
record thanks to Professor Ishaq Qureshi the then acting General Secretray of
MC that actually the party meeting was held on 18th July 1947.
Describing the background of this meeting Professor Qureshi told me in a very
long interview in Oldham that with the detention of senior leadership including
Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas and Allah Rakha Saghar in 1946 Choudhary Hamidullah and
he (Ishaq Qureshi) were appointed as acting President and General Seceretary of
Muslim Conference respectively. Subsequently, both of them went to seek advice
from Quaid e Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah and met him on 11th July 1947.
This according to Mr Qureshi was the first official meeting of Quaid e Azam in
his capacity of Governer General of Pakistan. In that meeting Mr Jinnah
advised the Kashmiri Muslim leaders to support Maharaja’s stance for
independent Kashmir. The founding father of Pakistan also dictated a press
release for Faiz Ahmed Faiz of the Daily Pakistan Times reiterating the Muslim
League’s policy of recognising the princely states’ right to independence. On
their return from British India, Professor Qureshi and Chaudhary Hamidullah
called the meeting of central committee where they presented the report of
their visit and informed members of the advice given by the Governer General of
Pakistan.While the majority of those present agreed and approved the resolution
for independent Kashmir some members including Sardar Ibrahim Khan opposed it.
When I asked professor about the next day meeting at Sardar Ibrahim’s residence
in Sringar and the resolution of accession to Pakistan, he said that’s all
propaganda. At Sardar Ibrahim’s house there was no meeting held. Some members
met in an informal capacity and agreed to work for accession to Pakistan. Even
then the fact is that it is widely believed in Azad Kashmir through official
propagation that a resolution for accession to Pakistan was passed in a meeting
held at the residence of Saradr Ibrahim Khan on 19th July 1947. This
resolution has been promoted by the Muslim Conference as the official policy of
azad Kashmir government. Just two months earlier he opposed the independent
Kashmir policy on 18th July 1947 and was now appointed as Prime
Minister of the Provisional Government for ‘independent’ Kashmir on 4th
October 1947.
I could not find
any reference anywhere if Mr Ghulam Nabi Gilkar was present in those meetings
of Muslim Conference on 18th and 19th July 1947 and which
resolution he supported. However, if we accept the account provided by Din
(2009) that when the ruler of Junagrh was ousted from his state the government
of Pakistan approached Mirza Bashir and authorized him to take appropriate measures with regard to Kashmir who then called
GN Gilkar over to Lahore where the idea of a provisional azad Kashmir
government was discussed clearly shows the Pakistani hand in the 4th
October government. However, authenticity of this reference needs further proof
for which I repeatedly asked Mr Zair Ud Din if he can provide me the original
source or reference rgerding this claim but not received a response as yet.
Therefore this needs further exploring.
Was Mr Jinnah
aware of this? Or was a parallel policy of taking Kashmir existed without the
knowledge of Mr Jinnah? The later events
indicate that there was never a coherent policy of Pakistan government from the
day one of their interefernce in Kashmir affairs. However, it is not in the
scope of this article to indulge in a detailed analysis of that. According to
Mr Ishaq Qureshi Quaid e Azam was not aware of the formation of the 4th
October government, Tribal invasion or re organization of the Azad Kashmir
government. In the same interview he told that Chaudhary Hameedullah and he
were brought to Pakistan in late September sometime by two Pakistani officials.
The full account of that interview will be published soon in a book form.
Inlcuded here only what Professor Qureshi told about the role of Pakistani
officials in their invasion of Kashmir in 1947. When they reached to Lahore the
president Hameedullah was allowed in the high level meeting which included
Chief Minister of Punjab Nawam mamdot, of NWFP Khan Qayum and several others
including senior military officials.
Accordig to professor Qureshi, Ch.
Hameed Ullah Khan and he did not like this split of New Muslim Conference
acting president and secretary by aloowing one in and keeping the other out of
the meeting and that was the second shock of our interaction with Pakistan[9].
Professor Qureshi told me that Choudhary Hameed briefed him of the meeting
informing him of the invasion plan and told that I told the participants the
advise Quiad e Azam gave us on 11th July but they say said forget
about that and do as we tell you because they said they want to give Kashmir to
Quaid e Azam as surprise.
After few moths Professor Ishaq and Ch
Hameed ullah met Quaid e Azam in Karachi where according to professor Qureshi
Mr Jinnah asked them annoyingly that why we caused all the mess in Kashmir
despite his advice not to indulge in violence? Professor Qureshi said we did
not do this. It was your Prime Minister and other top officials who staged the
invasion.
Mr Qureshi told me that when I said
this, Quai e Azam who was sitting on sofa upwards and leaning towards front,
almost fell back against the back of sofa, closed his eyes and did not speak a
word for few minutes. Then he opened his eys, sat up and asked us, can you
write all this in a report and get to me within 48 hours? We produced that
report and then events took over and we saw Quaid after aother few months when
he was in Ziyarat in Queta but he was too week to say anything. He only smiled.
Soon we were summoned to the house of
Primie Minister Khan Liaqat Ali Khan. He was laying on the kingsize dewan
leaning against the round pillow and Raina Liaqat Ali Khan was waving the hand
fan and they looked like a king and queen. Liaqat Ali Khan told us somewhat
assertively; don’t put any burdon on Mr Jinnah anymore with all these issues.
Whatever you have information you have convey that to me. The old man is too
fragile.
The Prime Minister had our report in his
hand marked with red underlines[10].
What was the
need of this independent government when there was the independent government
of Maharaja Hari Singh in existence that was supported and recognized by Mr
Jinnah and Pakistan government through the standstill agreement signed between
Kashmir and Pakistan governments of 12th August 1947? Especially, when that government of Maharaja
was actively introducing political reforms for a constitutional democracy? A
closer look at the events of 1940s including such documents as the ‘New
Kashmir’, 17th May 1947 statement and 28th May 1947 Press
Confrence of Chaoudhary Hamid Ullah Khan, and the 18th July
Resolution of Muslim Conference clearly point towards an understanding between
the major parties and Maharaja of Kashmir a multiparty constitutional democracy
with Maharaja as a figurehead. In this context there was no need for any
independent government unless it was for revolution aiming to overthrow the
feudal rule in the state. As is clear this government was merely to topple
Maharja and presented no revolutionary programme whatsoever. If any
revolutionary steps were taken in Kashmir they were taken by the National
Conference led by Sheikh Abdullah who introduced land reforms which abolished
the feudal system in Kashmir state before any such initiatives were teken by
India’s socialist Prime Minister PJN
Nehru.
Indeed as
mentioned above, if we accept the claims by such writers as Zahir Ud Din, it
appears that indeed it was formed under the instructions of Pakistan government
to oust Maharaja and take Kashmir like India took Junagarh. A closer look at
the details of Junagarh case supports the claim made here that the Azad Kahsmir
government of 4th October that was reorganized on 24th
October in fact was set up by Pakistan in reaction to the provisional
government iof Junagarh declared on 25th of September 1947. Indeed it appears that this was the first of
the series of covert efforts by that section of Pakistani establishment which
viewed Kashmir and the wider situation through communal and feudal lenses and
for whom Kashmir is pawn in their game with the Indian communalists.
It seems absurd that this government set
up by few dozen people most of whom were not willing to use their real names
denounced Maharaja Hari Singh as unrepresentative. While they were claiming to
be representatives of the antire population of Kashmir, a little probing would
reveal that they were representing only that fection of Muslim Conference which
two montrhs ago opposed independence and approved the accession of Kashmir to
Pakistani position. The reorganisation of this government soon after the
invasion of Pakistani forces in Kashmir clearly indicates that the 4th
October Kashmiri government was not as independent and revolutionary initiative
as some of us have been led to believe for many years. The head of this
reorganised government on 24th of October 1947 was none other than
Sardar Ibrahim who was appointed according Professor Qureshi by the
Commissioner of Rawalpindi Mr Rahihm.
It was the same Sardar Ibrahim who was
head of AJK government on 28th April 1949 when control of Gilgit
Baltistan was transferred to Pakistan and he was shown as one of the
signatories to the infamous Karachi Pact. While he remained in denial of
signing any such documents he was in power then and for several years after
that but never challenged the Karachi Pact.
However, that is not to deny the
contribution made by Sardar Ibrahim and G N Gilkar and other leaders in the
political progress of people around them and in the ideology of Kahsmir’s
accession to Pakistan. It also needs to be noted that despite a mysterious and
fragile at birth, the Azad Kashmir government not only survived but also made
some significant progress over the decades. In the beginning the Azad Kashmir
government was consisted of its President and Cabinet with very little
resources and administrative infrastructure. Indeed if we compare the Azad
Kashmir government of Sardar Ibrahim with the Jammu Kashmir government of
Sheikh Abdullah that was formed in the Indian occupied Kashmir, it appears that
their political evolution took place on opposite directions in terms of their
symbolic identity at least. The Jammu Kashmir government that replaced Maharaja
Hari Sing’s rule following the invasion of Pakistani tribes on 22nd
October and the Indian troops on 27th October inherited continuity and a reasonably equipped and
resourced material and non-material infrastructure including Sadr e Riyasat
(president) Prime Minister and cabinet with proper offices and relatively
better resources for carrying out governmental responsibilities. The Azad
Kashmir government on the other hand was nothing more than a name and its
President and cabinet had no structural, organizational and administrative
resources or support available to them.
The government was fully dependent on Pakistan.
However, in the years that followed the
AK government became a relatively better organised, structured and resourced
body of governance although still lagging far behind the provinces of Pakistan
in almost every field except the education ratio that is higher in AJK than
Pakistan. While the ministries of defence and Azad Kashmir Regular Force (AKRF)
were lost to Pakistan, this government did make some gains in its parliamentary
structure, status and protocol. For this people like Sardar Inrahim, Sardar
Abdul Qayum and Chaudhary Noor Hussain who are loathed by the younger
generation of nationalists played significant role in preserving and promoting
the distinct identity of Azad Kashmir. Though still a powerless legislative
assembly subdued to the colonial like structure ‘Kashmir Council, the
government of ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ has managed to gain some growth and
stability in its structure and recognition over the past 63 years.
This government carries almost all
symbols of an independent country including the president, Prime Minister,
Supreme Court, National Flag and National Anthem. In this respect it is an
independent government. The only ingredient missing is the power of independence.
The power lies with the Pakistan government which controls Azad Kashmir through
Kashmir Council, Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, Chief Secretary of the Azad
Kashmir civil bureaucracy, Inspector General Police (IGP), Auditor General and
Kashmir Council – all institutions are headed by the Pakistani politicians,
bureaucrats and head of the Pakistani state respectively. That is not all. The political and administrative structure
that is controlled by the layers of Pakistani civil control is then monitored
and controlled by a thick network of intelligence agencies spread across this
4,500 sq. miles strip of Kashmir state vertically and horizontally. That is why
the Kashmiris who are aware of this control mechanism insist that this is not
‘Azad’ but ‘Ghulam’ (slave/occupied) Kashmir.
In this respect it is no different from
the IOK. However, the level of violence and scale and degrees of human rights
violation by the Indian forces in IOK after the current uprising in 1989 has no
comparison with that of Pakistani army in POK which at present is not engaged
in killing or arresting or torturing Kashmiris except some cases of sexual and
economic exploitation of inhabitants around the army barracks and bullying of
some nationalists. Countering this position most of the pro independence
Kashmiris would argue that there were no killings in IOK before Kashmiris used
weapons given by Pakistan against India in 1987 which brought Indian army out
to civilian areas. If Azad Kashmiris ever challenge the Pakistani occupation
like the Valley Kashmiris did to the Indian occupation, Pakistani military and
civil machinary will do the same if not worse. They site the examples of 1953
Poonch Rebellion and the case of Bangladesh. The point of this argument is that
India and Pakistan both are occupiers in Kashmir and both use violence and
torture even kill when their occupation is challenged.
There is also no comparison in terms of
resources available to the two governments. The current annual budget of Indian
occupied Kashmir government is over 300 million[11]
whereas of Azad Kashmir it is 47 and for Gilgit Baltistan stands at just over
15 million rupees[12]. Keep in mind the difference in value of
Indian and Pakistani rupee.
[2] Din, U. Z. (2009) Ghulam
Nabi Gilkar and Kashmir Freedom Movement, available on https://sudhan.wordpress.com/2010/02/21/ghulam-nabi-gilkar-and-kashmir-freedom-movement/
[3] Mehmood Hashmi, the most prominent Azad Kashmiri name in Urdu
literature and author of the classic of Urdu repertoire tradition ‘Kashmir Udas
Hai’ (Kashmir is sad) who was made publicity secretary for Azad Kashmir
government after his escape from Indian occupied Kashmir, told this author that
the date 24th October was not on which the Azad Kashmir government
was actually formed. This date was chosen long after October as the fictitious’
birthday’ of Azad Kashmir government by some senior Pakistani bureaucrats to
coincide it with the United Nations Day.
[6] Norani, A.G. (2001), Of Jinnah and Jonagadh, Volume 18 - Issue 21, Oct. 13 – 26 available on http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl1821/18210760.htm
[9] First was on the way to Pakistan when we were released from Kohala
police post to leave the state and asked the staff where the two other men who
were arrested with us are? The staff replied they said they did not know you
and only gave you lift so we let them off
[10] Professor Ishaq Qureshi’s biographical interview Ali
Adalat and I took about ten years ago is currently in the process of
publication.
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