Why Must
Pakistan Support Saudi Arabia In Yemen, By Nasir Chaudhry*
Pakistan must not only side with
Saudi Arabia and the coalition but must also play a leading role in the Middle
East conflict.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is
leading a coalition of countries against the Houthi rebels in neighboring Yemen.
Operation Decisive Storm is intended at forcing the Shiite rebels to surrender
and restore the legitimate Government of President Abd Rubbuh Mansour Hadi who
earlier fled the capital Sanaa for the safer shores of Aden, and has now ended
up in Saudi exile. Pakistan’s name, too, figures amongst the countries that are
part of the coalition. The news has generated polarizing opinions and views
amongst the Pakistani population but the merit, rationale and strategic
implications have largely been dwarfed by an ill informed narrative which
centers on emotive instances of Pakistan’s history of participating in ‘others
ways’, evoking an irate response from our Iranian neighbours and at least on
social media the gradual Arabization of the country; a message brought home by
uploading pictures of Vehicle number plates with Al Bakistan inscribed on them.
Pakistan must not only side with Saudi Arabia and the coalition but play a
leading role in the Middle East conflict. Here is why:-
Pakistan shares a long border with Iran
and both countries have had a historical and traditionally friendly
relationship. Persian culture has had a strong influence in the Indian sub
continent and what has now come to be Pakistan. Many Pakistanis trace their
origins to present day Iran, and many aspects of our culture are similar.
Pakistan’s relationship with Iran remained exceedingly friendly, amicable,
strategically close and based on mutual goodwill and respect during the
Shah’s tenure. The Shah realized the importance of good neighborly relations
with Pakistan and openly sided with country in its wars with India, uprisings
in Balochistan and in economically and militarily assisting Pakistan. An
example of how important Pakistan was to the Shah is of a brief rapture in
bilateral relations, ironically, during the time of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,
otherwise a brilliant international diplomat and a master craftsman of
realpolitik. As narrated in Stanley Wolpert’s Autobiography of Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto, “the Shah was eager to help his Shia neighbors, Yahya (Of Persian
Ancestry) and Bhutto.” Wolpert adds, while visiting Washington, Bhutto made the
case for the arms embargo on Pakistan to be lifted and in a meeting with Nixon
and Kissinger said “the Shah is not too stable after all and you should look ahead
of him.” The Shah learnt of the remarks made by Bhutto and was “livid, mad.” To
the extent that he boycotted the otherwise very well attended Islamic Summit
Conference in Lahore but the same Shah later visited Pakistan to mend fences,
supported Bhutto with arms and joint operations against the Baloch insurgents
and cancelled a previously agreed loan agreement with India meant for a water
reservoir objected too by Pakistan.
Post Shah and the Revolution, Iran
has largely remained oblivious to Pakistan’s genuine national interests. True
that Pakistan must share of what it owes to causing stress to our bilateral
relationship but the Iranians too have not been charitable either, perhaps, in
a greater measure. Iran for many years deliberately courts India, allowing it
access to two of its most vital ports of Chabahar and Bandar Abbass. The former
has been built with Indian largesse whereas the later hosts an Indian
Consulate. This when Pakistan has been denied permission to open a consulate in
the same city despite repeated Pakistani requests at the highest levels.
Iranian dignitaries make no secret of their anti Pakistan tirades in their
media so much as to suggest crossing the border but are silent on India’s
absentations and voting patterns against Iranian interests at the International
fora most notably the IAEA. Iranian State today makes it clear in unambiguous
terms that the Shi’a anywhere and everywhere is a vanguard of the 1979
revolution and deserves state protection and patronage irrespective of its own borders,
thus, it is vocal to “state persecution” of Shi’a in Bahrain and the Hazara in
Pakistan but is unmistakably silent on the rights of 10 million Sunnis who live
in abject poverty and inhumane conditions within its own borders.
It aids and
supports Shi’a regime in Syria and the Hezbollah in Lebanon but does not want
to speak of the people’s uprising against Assad’s tyranny, It wants the end of
ISIL because it is a “militia and perverse occupying force” but does not want
to say that about the Houthis, it speaks of the “inalienable right to freedom
for the Palestinians from evil Zionism” but does not say the same for the
subjugated people of Kashmir. Does Iran want to base its relations with the
world only through the context of the Shi’a school of Islam? Does it want that
its own interests be safeguarded but that of others be violated? Why is that a
country which such glorious history, traditions and past obsessed with the
protection, promotion and interests of the Shi’a sect and the Shi’a school of
thought over core national interests of other countries and the collective
goodwill of the Ummah, of which it, unmistaken ably claims leadership for?
The
Iranians need to do soul searching and ask these pertinent questions to
themselves. For if anything, according to a recent brief on the country
published by The Economist, the scarves have started to loosen even in
religious cities such as Qom, the Iranian population is young, un employed and
seeks change, their memories of the revolution and the war are confined to the
history books, the economy, much of it being directly or indirectly controlled
by the clergy or it’s organs, is in dire straits and a delusional, unwise
obsession with nuclear technology has only festered discontent and frustration
with the ruling elite. Most certainly, the great Imam Khomeini, would not be
proud of the sons of the revolution that he worked so hard to bring and
sacrificed for.
While Pakistan must certainly remain
very attentive, sensitive to legitimate Iranian concerns, interests and must
work to elevate ties with Iran in all fields turning this into a strategic
relationship, it must make known that it expects the same of Iran. Saudi
Arabia, on the other hand, has remained a true, loyal strategic friend and ally
of Pakistan. Irrespective of the changes in leadership, relations have
progressed and expanded to the highest levels. The Saudi leadership has
maintained a special relationship with Pakistan and has greatly assisted the
country whenever and wherever support has been required. The Saudis have shored
up the Pakistani economy with large amounts of assistance and supplied
oil on deferred payments at a crucial times, it has consistently supported
Pakistan on Kashmir so much as to raising it at the International Fora, It has
been a partner of the country’s regional ambitions and initiatives in
Afghanistan, it hosts a large Pakistani diaspora, has come to our aid at a time
of natural calamities and most notably has stood by Pakistan when the country
faced sanctions and isolation after going nuclear. The Saudi Pakistani
relationship extends far beyond the exuberance of words that Joint Statements
and Communiques cover, it is a partnership based solidly on common interests
and objectives around the World. If our support to the Saudis mean support to
the House of Saud so be it since it remains the anchor of stability in tribal
Saudi Arabia and in it’s unequivocal and unqualified support to Pakistan. If
the Saudis are accused of exporting Wahabism, the Iranians aren’t exporting
apricots and cherries too. It is time for Pakistan to stand by Saudi Arabia
now.
Would Iran allow for a Sunni takeover
of Iraq even if its people chose such a government? No. Would Pakistanis allow
the Northern Alliance to take control of Kabul? No. Why then should Saudi
Arabia allow for a Houthi (Iranian) takeover of Yemen?
Pakistan in acting late has lost an
opportunity that was being afforded to Pakistan, i.e. its projection of a
powerful state and a leading member of the coalition of countries. Rarely, we
were being courted, rightly so for our legitimate defense capability and
showcasing it. We have also lost an opportunity to come closer to countries
such as Egypt which has mostly found itself opposite to Pakistan on many
issues. Ironically, Pakistan’s position in this instance is opposite to that of
another ally, Turkey, as well, which, for the record, too, has a border with
Iran. Have we not gone too far in placating the ever upset Iranians. Pakistan
must have a robust Foreign Policy and not one of fence sitting. As for the
state of the nation and their opinion, it will continue to be hapless and
polarized. Very least nothing remotely to do with national interest of their
own country, Pakistan.
A Shi’a will support Iran, a Sunni, Saudi Arabia (not
implying the writer) Pakistan is another country. An ordinary man takes much
pride when he talks about how Pakistani pilots downed Israeli planes in the
Arab Israel conflict but won’t commit his country’s pilots to ‘other wars.’
They can condemn Saudi Arabia but were they to be presented with a sponsored
Umrah and Hajj package, you would see them expressing the desire to die in
Saudi Arabia. Yes, we must maintain our territorial integrity, our sovereignty,
our national and strategic interests, eschew funding from coffers of countries
that fan sectarian groups but living on IMF tranches, Coalition Support Funds,
our own internal problems, the Afghan situation, tensions with India and an
ever growing population and unemployment do not necessarily give us the space
to maneuver much. So let us help and identify the mistakes our friends make and
convey it to them but let us also stand with friends who stood by us and
continue to stand by us. Then only, would we be truly making more friends and
solidifying our relations with a few that we currently have. As for the lota
public, see them stand in queue and take selfies with the Metro Bus Project
Islamabad upon its inauguration and say how much of a great leader Nawaz Sharif
is but somehow Shahbaz Sharif is the one who gets it done. Perhaps, our Saudi
friends should approach the younger brother in Lahore. Mediation….
*Nasir Chaudhry is a
freelance columnist working in the Oil and Gas sector in Islamabad. He can be
reached at m_nasir08@hotmail.com.
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