Pakistan-Administered Kashmir: A Humanitarian Crisis, a Demand for Rights, and the Need for Accountability, Dr Shabir Choudhry

 Pakistan-Administered Kashmir: A Humanitarian Crisis, a Demand for Rights, and the Need for Accountability

Why the grievances of the people must be addressed through dialogue, not force

By Dr Shabir Choudhry

The people of Jammu and Kashmir have endured decades of political uncertainty, conflict and competing claims over their future. Our aspirations are often discussed by governments which occupy us, and political organisations, but the everyday rights and welfare of ordinary people must never be pushed to the margins of the debate.

The recent crisis in Pakistan-administered Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) has brought this issue into sharp focus. Protests over economic hardship, public services, governance and political representation developed into a much wider confrontation involving the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), regional authorities and the Pakistani forces.

The consequences have been serious. Reports have described deaths and injuries, arrests, restrictions on communications, disruption to public life and growing distrust between communities and institutions. International human rights organisations have called for investigations and meaningful dialogue.

These events should concern everyone who believes in human dignity, democratic accountability and the peaceful resolution of political disputes.

The central question is not whether a government has the authority to maintain public order. Every government has a responsibility to protect people and prevent violence. The more important question is whether that authority is exercised lawfully, proportionately and accountably—and whether the underlying grievances are addressed rather than suppressed.

From economic grievances to a wider political crisis

The Joint Awami Action Committee emerged as a platform for public demands relating to the cost of living, electricity tariffs, wheat-flour prices, governance and the use of local resources. Its mobilisation brought together people from different walks of life, including traders, transport workers, students, lawyers and activists.

The movement's demands have evolved into genuine and fundamental rights over time, and particular protests have involved different immediate issues. In 2026, the allocation of twelve legislative assembly seats to refugees from Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir became a significant point of contention ahead of regional elections. Earlier protests had focused heavily on the cost of electricity, flour subsidies and the privileges enjoyed by political and administrative elites.

It would be a mistake to reduce these demands to a single slogan or assume that every participant has exactly the same political objective. A broad public movement can contain people with different views about the region's constitutional future while sharing concerns about economic justice, accountable government and basic rights for all the citizens.

What unites many of these grievances is a demand that the people who live in the region should have a meaningful voice in decisions affecting their lives.

It is sad to note that for demanding the above-mentioned basic rights, the Pakistani authorities and their puppets in POJK have accused the Action Committee of being an agent of India. The Pakistani media, strongly controlled by the Pakistani government, have drummed up these unfounded allegations.

In addition to this, they declared that anyone who supports the Action Committee is also viewed as anti-Pakistan and an agent of India.

A government that listens to those demands has an opportunity to rebuild public confidence. A government that treats peaceful dissent primarily as a security threat risks deepening the very alienation it claims to be addressing.

The human cost of the crackdown

The events of June 2026 marked a grave escalation. Reuters reported on 19 June that at least 24 people had been killed during nearly two weeks of unrest, including civilians and police officers, and that more than 500 people had been detained. The reporting also described widespread shutdowns, internet restrictions and disruption to businesses and daily life.

The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights expressed concern about the deaths, restrictions on peaceful assembly and association, the ban imposed on JAAC under anti-terrorism laws, arrests of movement leaders and restrictions on internet access.

In its briefing of 17 July 2026, the UN human rights office called for prompt, thorough and impartial investigations into all deaths, whether involving protesters or members of the security forces. It also stressed the importance of legal representation, access to families, due process and meaningful, inclusive dialogue.

These calls are significant because they recognise two essential principles: every death deserves investigation, and no individual should be deprived of basic legal protections because of their political association.

The deaths of civilians cannot be dismissed as an unavoidable consequence of unrest. Nor should deaths among police or other security personnel be ignored. Each case must be investigated on its own evidence, and responsibility should be established through a credible process.

The figures reported by different organisations have varied, and the circumstances surrounding individual deaths are not necessarily identical. For that reason, the most responsible course is to publish verified records, investigate every case and avoid presenting disputed totals as conclusively established facts.

Families who have lost loved ones deserve answers. Injured people deserve medical care. Those who remain detained deserve access to lawyers and their families. Anyone whose whereabouts are unknown must be accounted for.

These are basic obligations of a state governed by the rule of law.

Freedom of expression is not a threat to public order

One of the most concerning aspects of the crisis has been the restriction of communications and public expression.

The UN human rights office warned that internet restrictions in the region were limiting people's ability to seek, receive and share information at a time of heightened tension. Such restrictions can have consequences far beyond social media. They can interfere with access to news, family communication, education, banking, business and the coordination of emergency assistance.

A communications blackout also makes it more difficult to establish what happened during violent incidents. Witnesses may struggle to communicate with journalists or legal representatives, while families may be unable to obtain reliable information about detained or injured relatives.

When public confidence is already weak, limiting access to information can create further suspicion and fear.

Governments may sometimes impose lawful restrictions in exceptional circumstances, but such measures must meet strict tests of legality, necessity and proportionality. They should not become a substitute for political dialogue or a means of preventing scrutiny of state conduct.

Peaceful criticism is not terrorism. Membership of a civil society organisation does not, by itself, establish criminal responsibility. Where individuals are accused of offences, the authorities must disclose the legal basis of the charges and allow a fair process in which evidence can be examined.

The proper response to peaceful dissent is not to silence it but to engage with it.

Human rights require accountability

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), following a fact-finding mission in AJK, issued a statement on 29 August 2026 calling for urgent, inclusive political dialogue. It identified institutional distrust, restrictions on expression and connectivity, and a confrontational state response—including the disproportionate use of force—as factors that had deepened polarisation and weakened public trust.

The significance of this assessment is that the crisis cannot be resolved simply by restoring superficial calm. A region may appear quiet while the grievances that caused the unrest remain unresolved.

Accountability must be practical, transparent and independent. It should include:

• An impartial investigation into every death and serious injury connected with the unrest.
• Publicly accessible, verified information about those killed, injured, detained or reported missing.
• Access to legal representation and family contact for all detainees, alongside due process and fair trials.
• A review of the use of force, restrictions on communications and the application of anti-terrorism laws to civil and political activity.
• Appropriate remedies and compensation where unlawful conduct or negligence is established.
• Protection for journalists, witnesses, lawyers, activists and families seeking information or justice.

These measures should not be understood as concessions to one political faction. They are necessary safeguards for the entire population, including people who oppose the JAAC or disagree with its methods.

A fair investigation does not prejudge the outcome. It establishes the facts, identifies responsibility where evidence supports it and helps prevent future abuses.

The region's resources and the question of economic justice

Economic grievances in AJK also raise wider questions about the relationship between local resources, public revenue and the welfare of local communities.

Residents have long debated electricity costs, access to affordable flour, public-sector privileges, employment opportunities and the use of natural resources. These issues require detailed, transparent information rather than political slogans.

The authorities should publish accessible data showing how revenue is collected and spent, how electricity is priced, what subsidies are provided, which public projects are completed and how benefits reach different districts. They should also explain how local communities are consulted when decisions affect land, water, forests and energy resources.

Development should be judged by its impact on people's lives. A new road, power project or public building may be valuable, but it does not automatically mean that every community enjoys reliable electricity, affordable healthcare, good schools or fair economic opportunities.

Likewise, the announcement of a subsidy is not the same as ensuring that people can actually obtain essential goods at an affordable price.

The appropriate response is transparent budgeting, independent scrutiny, fair distribution of public benefits and meaningful participation by local communities. These are practical requirements for good governance, not demands that should be treated as threats to national security.

Democracy must mean more than holding elections

The political representation of AJK remains a sensitive and important issue. The dispute over the twelve seats allocated to refugees from Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir demonstrated how electoral arrangements can become a source of wider public disagreement.

Any electoral system should be assessed against clear principles:

·       Fair representation,

·       Public confidence,

·       Constitutional legitimacy,

·       And the meaningful participation of people whose lives are governed by the resulting institutions.

Elections matter, but democracy is not limited to voting on a particular day. Democracy requires:

·       Freedom of expression,

·       The ability to organise peacefully,

·       Accountable institutions,

·       Access to information

·       And the right to challenge decisions without fear of arbitrary punishment.

Political differences should be addressed through lawful institutions and inclusive discussion. Where the rules themselves are disputed, the solution is to create a credible process for reviewing them—not to assume that force can settle the argument. 

A lasting political settlement also requires recognition that people in Jammu and Kashmir hold diverse views about their future. Some favour existing arrangements, others seek greater autonomy, and others advocate independence or a different constitutional settlement. No single position should be presented as the unanimous will of the population without credible evidence.

My own political position is that Jammu and Kashmir should have a united, independent and democratic future, determined by the free will of its people. That is a political aspiration, not a claim that every resident currently shares the same preference. A genuinely democratic approach must allow people to express different views peacefully and without coercion.

International attention must lead to meaningful action

International concern is important, but statements alone will not resolve the crisis.

The United Nations, international human rights organisations, democratic governments and parliamentary bodies should continue to seek reliable information, encourage access for independent observers and call for transparent investigations. They should press for the release of people detained arbitrarily, the restoration of normal communications and the protection of peaceful civic activity.

International engagement should be evidence-based and consistent. It should not become an excuse to target ordinary Pakistani citizens or to turn human rights into a competition between rival political narratives.

The people of AJK need practical support for the protection of their rights. They need their allegations to be investigated, their legal rights respected, and their elected institutions to respond to public concerns. Where abuses are established, there must be appropriate accountability.

The international community should also support a credible political dialogue involving a broad range of local stakeholders, including civil society, elected representatives, community leaders and those who hold different political views. It must be understood that dialogue cannot be meaningful if participants are:

·       Intimidated,

·       Excluded or

·       Denied access to the information needed to make informed decisions.

A peaceful movement deserves a peaceful political response

The people of AJK should not have to choose between economic hardship and political silence. They should be able to demand affordable essential services, accountable government and respect for their rights without being treated as enemies.

At the same time, all parties should reject attacks on civilians, intimidation and violence. A peaceful rights movement gains strength from its commitment to the dignity and safety of every person. Its demands are best advanced through organisation, evidence, public debate and democratic participation.

The state has a particular responsibility because it controls the institutions, security forces and legal mechanisms that affect people's lives. It must demonstrate that the law protects citizens rather than merely punishes those who criticise authorities or challenge their actions to silence people or intimidate them.

The immediate priorities are clear:

·       Establish the facts surrounding the deaths and injuries;

·       Account for all detainees and missing persons;

·       Ensure access to justice;

·       Restore the conditions necessary for public discussion;

·       And begin serious negotiations over the grievances that led to the unrest.

Conclusion: Dignity, justice and the future of Jammu and Kashmir

The crisis in Pakistan-administered Kashmir is not simply a matter of protest management. It concerns the relationship between citizens and the state, the use of public resources, democratic representation and the protection of fundamental freedoms.

The deaths and injuries reported during the unrest demand independent investigation. Restrictions on expression and communications require scrutiny. Detained people must receive due process, and the grievances of ordinary residents must be addressed through credible political engagement.

A government cannot build lasting legitimacy through force alone. Nor can a political movement secure a just future by abandoning peaceful methods or disregarding the rights of others.

The way forward is accountability, transparent governance, respect for human rights and an inclusive political process. The people of Jammu and Kashmir deserve to live with dignity, to express their views freely and to participate meaningfully in decisions about their future.

Their voices should not be silenced by fear, and their rights should not depend on whether those in power agree with their demands.

The people are not the enemy. Their rights are not a security threat. And lasting peace cannot be imposed in place of justice.

Congratulations to All UKPNP Colleagues and the Leadership

 Congratulations to All UKPNP Colleagues and the Leadership

22 October 2026, London.

Congratulations to all my UKPNP colleagues and the party leadership on holding yet another very successful conference in the British Parliament.

Unfortunately, I was unable to attend due to heart-related health problems. I experienced angina pain, and my medical advisers recommended complete rest.

An independent witness belonging to another Kashmiri political party confirmed to me that the conference hall was full, with no space even for people to stand. This is a testament to the success of the event and the strong interest it generated.

Despite it being a working day and the weather being unfavourable, you demonstrated your continued commitment to the cause of a united and independent Jammu and Kashmir, as well as your loyalty to the party and its leadership.

Sardar Shaukat Ali Kashmiri and the entire UKPNP leadership in Britain deserve sincere congratulations for their efforts. My heartfelt appreciation also goes to all the men and women who worked hard to make this conference a success and to advance the cause of the oppressed and suffering people of Jammu and Kashmir.

Keep up the struggle with determination and dedication. May Allah bless you all and give you strength and success in your efforts for the rights and future of our people.

Dr Shabir Choudhry

Raising Children and the Guidance of Allah, Dr Shabir Choudhry, London.

 Raising Children and the Guidance of Allah

Dr Shabir Choudhry, London.

These days, a great deal is said about raising children, particularly by those whose children turn out to be well-behaved, successful and obedient. They proudly say that their children are well-educated and fortunate because they brought them up properly.

A question comes to my mind: Does a child’s character and future depend entirely on parental upbringing, or does guidance from Allah Almighty also play a role?

Prophet Adam (peace be upon him) was a prophet of Allah and the father of all humanity. One of his two sons rebelled and killed his own brother. Can we say that Prophet Adam raised his two sons differently? Or does this incident remind us that, despite good upbringing, a person may still choose the wrong path?

Prophet Noah (peace be upon him) was also a prophet of Allah. Yet his son did not believe and, despite his father’s advice, could not escape the punishment that came from Allah. Does this mean that Prophet Noah failed in raising his son? Or does it show that even a parent’s best efforts cannot guarantee that their children will follow the same path?

Similarly, Muawiyah was a well-known Companion of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and later became a caliph. His son Yazid’s character and the events of his rule, particularly the tragedy of Karbala, have been strongly criticised in Islamic history, although some aspects of that period remain subjects of historical debate. This raises an important question: Can a father’s religious standing, status or efforts to raise his children guarantee that his children will also grow up to be people of good character?

Why do we sometimes forget that guidance ultimately rests with Allah Almighty? A human being is responsible for raising children well, teaching them the difference between right and wrong, encouraging good character and setting a positive example. However, parents do not have complete control over another person’s heart or every decision that person makes.

Allah Almighty says in the Qur’an:

“Indeed, you do not guide whom you like, but Allah guides whom He wills.” (Surah Al-Qasas, 28:56)

This verse reminds us that our efforts and advice are important, but we cannot make another person accept guidance.

We should therefore concentrate on raising our children well, without becoming proud and assuming that every success they achieve is solely the result of our upbringing. Equally, if a child chooses the wrong path, it is not necessarily fair to hold the parents solely responsible in every case.

Parents are responsible for making the effort, providing a good upbringing and showing their children the right path. But choosing whether to follow that path is an individual decision, while true guidance comes from Allah Almighty.

We human beings are responsible for providing a good upbringing and protecting our children and families, but there is only so much we can do. Allah Almighty says:

O believers! Protect yourselves and your families from a Fire whose fuel is people and stones, overseen by formidable and severe angels, who never disobey whatever Allah orders—always doing as commanded.

Surah 66, Ayah 6

The Battery of a Mobile Phone and the Life of Parents. Dr Shabir Choudhry, London.

 The Battery of a Mobile Phone and the Life of Parents

Dr Shabir Choudhry, London.

05 October 2026.

One day, a father said to his son:

“Son, I know that your mobile phone has become one of the most important things in your life.

You look at it before you go to sleep. If you wake up during the night, you reach for it. And when you open your eyes in the morning, your phone is often the first thing you look at.

You check on your friends, talk to them, laugh with them and share jokes and moments of amusement.

And when your phone’s battery falls to twenty per cent, you become anxious. You start looking for a charger. You cannot truly relax until that little battery symbol tells you that your phone is back to one hundred per cent.

But, my son, there is something I want you to think about.

You were born long before that mobile phone entered your life.

Your mother and I brought you into this world, raised you with love, worked hard for you, sacrificed our own comforts and gave up many of our wishes so that we could fulfil yours.

Have you ever stopped to think about your father’s battery?

My eyes are now running on perhaps twenty per cent. I need an operation.

Have you noticed the wrinkles on your mother’s face? They have become deeper with the passing years. Have you noticed that her health is no longer what it once was?

You worry when your phone’s battery is low.

But have you ever worried about ours?

If you lose your mobile phone, you can walk into a shop tomorrow and buy a new one—perhaps an even newer and better model.

But when your mother and I leave this world, you will not find us in any shop. There will be no replacement model. No new version. No second chance.

So, my son, charge your phone before its battery runs out.

But before your parents’ batteries run out, spend some time with them too.

We do not need your money. We do not need expensive gifts.

·      We need your time.

·      We need your attention.

·      We need your love.

So, son, make time for your mobile phone if you wish—but make some time for us as well.

Because one day, you may finally realise how precious we were to you.

But by then, we may no longer be there for you.”

The son remained silent for a moment and then replied:

“You only know how to complain. Everyone has to die. Your own father died too.”

The father fell silent.

His eyes filled with tears.

After a moment, he said sadly:

“You are right, son. My father died too.

But perhaps I have understood something today that I should have understood much earlier.

We often realise the true value of our parents only after they are no longer there.

And by then, no amount of regret can bring them back.”

He said nothing more.

The room fell silent.

And in the darkness, only the faint light of the mobile phone charger remained.

 

--

Dr Shabir Choudhry

 Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) said: "Say what is true, although it may be bitter and displeasing to people."

An extract from the book With Quaid-e-Azam During His Last Days, written by Colonel Ilahi Bakhsh.

 An extract from the book With Quaid-e-Azam During His Last Days, written by Colonel Ilahi Bakhsh.

 (Please note that the account given by Mohammed Ali Jinnah’s sister, Fatima Jinnah, in her book, ‘My Brother’, differs from the account presented by Dr Ilahi Bakhsh.)

Historical Documents and Islamic History

Hamid Rahim Khanzada

Below, I am presenting an extract from the book With Quaid-e-Azam During His Last Days, written by Colonel Ilahi Bakhsh, the personal physician of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. His book was banned from 1949 until 1976. Every Pakistani should read what happened during the final moments of the Quaid's life, before he departed from this world.

He landed at Mauripur Aerodrome at 4:15 p.m., and a great burden was lifted from my mind. When I stepped out of the aircraft, I saw Colonel Knowles, the Governor-General's Military Secretary, standing beside the ambulance, but there was no nurse in sight.

It was hot in Karachi, but the atmosphere was not oppressive because a strong wind was blowing. However, it was quite stuffy inside the aircraft, so we did not waste any time transferring the Quaid-e-Azam to the ambulance.

Miss Jinnah and the nurse who had come from Quetta got into the ambulance, while the Military Secretary, Dr Mistry and I followed behind in the Governor-General's Cadillac. The luggage and servants were following us in a truck. We set off from the airport towards Government House, which was approximately nine to ten miles away, but our speed was extremely slow.

We had travelled barely four miles when the ambulance stopped. Wondering what had happened, I got out and discovered that the engine had developed a fault. The driver assured us that he would repair it quickly, but he struggled with the engine for almost twenty minutes and the ambulance would not start.

Miss Jinnah sent the Military Secretary to bring another ambulance. Dr Mistry went with him. Inside the ambulance, the heat and discomfort were severe. Despite the nurses and servants constantly fanning him, the Quaid-e-Azam was drenched in sweat.

We considered transferring him to the larger car, but the stretcher could not be placed inside it, and the Quaid-e-Azam was so weak that he was not even in a condition to sit on the back seat. In addition, his clothes were soaked with perspiration, and there was a danger that the strong gusts of wind might expose him.

I examined him and was alarmed to find that his pulse was becoming weak and irregular. I ran towards the truck and brought a thermos flask containing hot tea. Miss Jinnah immediately gave him a cup of tea.

This was the first time during the day that he had taken anything apart from a few sips of fruit juice; until then, he had refused all kinds of food.

I told her that this was an encouraging sign. Apart from the extremely distressing breakdown of the ambulance, everything so far had been going in the patient's favour. What a disastrous situation it would have been if, after safely completing the air journey, he had died by the roadside.

With increasing anxiety, I checked his pulse again. The cup of tea had temporarily revived him; fortunately, his pulse was now stronger and regular.

I anxiously kept looking towards the town, but there was still no sign of the second ambulance. Many trucks and buses were passing us, but none of them could safely be used.

I felt helpless and desperate.

After a long wait, the ambulance finally appeared. We quickly transferred the Quaid-e-Azam into the new ambulance and resumed our unpleasant journey.

This ambulance did not even have the Governor-General's flag, so no one knew that the Quaid-e-Azam was being transported through the streets of Karachi in an extremely critical condition.

We reached our destination at 6:10 p.m., approximately two hours after landing at Mauripur Aerodrome.

It is difficult to describe in words our relief at having completed the journey safely; at any moment, the journey could have ended in disaster.

I had placed my trust in God, and I was convinced that He had protected the Quaid-e-Azam.

The ambulance was brought to the front of the Quaid-e-Azam's room. He was brought inside on a stretcher, and I helped transfer him to the bed.

The nurse checked his temperature and pulse and reported that his temperature was normal and his pulse was regular.

Satisfied with his condition, I went to the Military Secretary's room and asked for a cup of tea. I had eaten nothing since breakfast and was extremely tired and thirsty.

I washed my hands and drank four cups of nourishing tea one after another.

A few minutes later, when I returned to the Quaid-e-Azam's room, Dr Mistry and I found him asleep.

Dr Mistry obtained permission to go home for an hour, while I asked Colonel Knowles to telephone Colonel M. H. Shah to arrange for a nurse for the night and to send an enema can along with her.

However, we were unable to contact Colonel Shah.

We then telephoned Colonel Saeed Ahmad, the surgeon at Jinnah Central Hospital, but he had just begun an operation and was therefore unavailable.

I then went out myself to look for Colonel Shah and returned with a nurse and an enema can. But Colonel Shah was neither at home nor at the hospital.

I did not want to disturb Colonel Saeed Ahmad during a major operation, so I went to the Nurses' Home. However, apart from the matron, there was no experienced nurse available there.

I felt extremely frustrated and helpless.

Ever since we had landed at the aerodrome, it seemed as though everything was going wrong.

I regretted that I had not insisted that Miss Jinnah bring a night nurse with her from Quetta. But how could I have imagined that finding a suitable nurse in Karachi would prove to be so difficult?

I decided to look for Colonel Shah again.

It was approximately 8:00 p.m., but he had still not returned home.

I met Dr R. A. Shah at his home, where he was with his family, and, while cursing Karachi, I tried to control my nerves.

At 8:20 p.m., I told him that I could not wait any longer and that, before going to my hotel for dinner, I wanted to return to Government House to see the Quaid-e-Azam.

However, he suggested that we should go together at 9:15 p.m., when the routine injection was due to be administered.

In the meantime, I could go to the hotel and have a quick meal.

But I was extremely anxious and wanted to go to Government House first.

I had no immediate concern about the Quaid-e-Azam because he was not alone. Dr Mistry must have returned by seven o'clock.

Nevertheless, I wanted to see him myself and satisfy myself that he was all right so that I could have dinner peacefully.

I therefore went straight to Government House and was pleased to learn that the Military Secretary had succeeded in finding a nurse.

At 8:30 p.m., I asked Lieutenant Mazhar to inform Miss Jinnah that, before going to the hotel for dinner, I wanted to check on the Quaid-e-Azam.

I was told that he had been sleeping peacefully for the previous two hours.

Approximately fifteen minutes later, I asked the Military Secretary whether my message had been conveyed to Miss Jinnah.

He said that it probably had, but he could not explain why there had been no response from her.

At 8:45 p.m., I told him that since everything was going well and we were going to return shortly, I would quickly go to the hotel and have dinner.

I went to the Palace Hotel, where I was staying, ate something quickly, and came outside to telephone Government House so that a car could be sent to take me back.

At that very moment, the reception clerk urgently asked me to contact the A.D.C.

On the telephone, I learned that the Quaid-e-Azam's pulse had become irregular and that I had been urgently summoned.

I told the A.D.C. to send a car immediately.

I reached the Quaid-e-Azam at 9:15 p.m.

On examination, his pulse felt weak and somewhat irregular. He was feeling cold, and a cold sweat covered his body.

Before determining the cause, I ordered an injection to strengthen his heart and instructed that a circulation-stimulating medicine be administered orally.

However, he was unable to swallow it, and the medicine ran out of one corner of his mouth.

I then ordered bricks or pieces of wood to be brought so that the foot of the bed could be raised, along with bandages to be tied around his legs, in order to improve the flow of blood to the vital parts of his body.

It was difficult to find these things in the house, so I tried to raise the foot of the bed myself.

The bed was very heavy and, although I succeeded in raising it by approximately six inches or slightly more, I could not keep it in that position for very long.

Miss Jinnah tried to help me, but I told her not to trouble herself and suggested that we use some books instead of bricks.

But even this produced no significant improvement in his pulse.

While I was anxiously struggling to do whatever I could, Dr Mistry and Dr Shah also arrived.

I asked Dr Shah to try to administer medicine intravenously.

He was highly skilled at giving injections, but he was unsuccessful because the Quaid-e-Azam's veins had collapsed.

Before my arrival, the nurse had been administering oxygen to him, and this was continued.

Another attempt was made to administer the heart-stimulating medicine by mouth, but once again the Quaid-e-Azam was unable to swallow it.

We felt completely helpless.

After administering another injection, I tried to reassure the Quaid-e-Azam and said:

"Sir, we have given you an injection to strengthen you. Its effect will soon be felt. God willing, you will live."

The Quaid-e-Azam shook his head and, in a semi-conscious state, said:

"No, I will not live."

These were his last words.

Approximately half an hour later, the Quaid-e-Azam departed from this world.