Tuesday, 19 May 2026

International Kashmir Conference, 19 May 2026. “The Jammu and Kashmir Conflict and the Role of the British Government”.

 International Kashmir Conference, 19 May 2026.

“The Jammu and Kashmir Conflict and the Role of the British Government”. 

Dr Shabir Choudhry

Organised by the United Kashmir Peoples National Party

British Parliament, Committee Room 9, Westminster.


Distinguished Members of Parliament, respected scholars, human rights defenders, political colleagues, members of the media, ladies and gentlemen,

Assalam-u-Alaikum and good evening.


First of all, I would like to thank the organisers, the United Kashmir Peoples National Party, for arranging this important conference here in the heart of British democracy. I also thank all distinguished guests who have joined us to discuss one of the oldest and most painful unresolved conflicts in the world — the Jammu and Kashmir conflict.


We are gathered here not to spread hatred, not to inflame tensions, and not to encourage violence. We are here to promote dialogue, historical understanding, justice, peace, and the democratic right of people to determine their future peacefully.


Our struggle is peaceful and political. We reject terrorism, extremism, sectarianism, and religious hatred in all forms. We believe that violence has only deepened the suffering of the people of Jammu and Kashmir and has strengthened the hands of those who benefit from instability and militarisation.


Ladies and gentlemen,

The tragedy of Jammu and Kashmir did not emerge in isolation. It is deeply connected with the end of British colonial rule in South Asia in 1947. Therefore, when we discuss the Jammu and Kashmir conflict honestly and responsibly, we must also discuss the historical role and responsibility of the British Government.


The partition of the Indian subcontinent was one of the largest and most painful political upheavals of the twentieth century. Millions were displaced. Hundreds of thousands lost their lives. Communities that had lived together for centuries suddenly became enemies.

In this hurried and poorly managed transfer of power, Jammu and Kashmir was left in a dangerous and uncertain position.


The British Government, under immense political pressure and strategic calculations, left behind unresolved territorial disputes, weak transitional arrangements, and a legacy of division that continues to haunt South Asia today.


Kashmir became one of those unresolved disputes.

The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir was geographically connected to both India and the newly created Pakistan. It had religious, cultural, linguistic, and regional diversity. Yet, instead of ensuring a carefully negotiated and peaceful transition, the issue was effectively left to competing political forces, military pressures, and conflicting interpretations.


The consequences have been devastating.

Since 1947, generations of Kashmiris have lived under conflict, uncertainty, division, militarisation, political repression, displacement, and fear. Families have been divided by the Line of Control. Thousands have lost their lives. Many more have lost opportunities, dignity, and hope.


And yet, despite being the principal stakeholders, the people of Jammu and Kashmir themselves have often been excluded from meaningful decision-making processes.


Ladies and gentlemen,

When we speak about the role of the British Government, we are not here to engage in blame alone. History cannot be changed. But history can and must be understood honestly.


Britain played a central role in shaping the political structures, borders, and constitutional crises of post-colonial South Asia. Therefore, Britain also has a moral and political responsibility to support peaceful conflict resolution, human rights, democratic dialogue, and regional stability.


This responsibility does not mean interference or taking sides with one state against another. Rather, it means supporting principles of justice, peace, and international law.

It means encouraging India and Pakistan to move beyond hostility and militarisation.

It means recognising the suffering and aspirations of the people of all regions of Jammu and Kashmir.


It means supporting democratic freedoms, human rights, freedom of expression, and peaceful political activity.

It also means rejecting the dangerous politics of religious hatred and extremism that have poisoned the region for decades.


Ladies and gentlemen,

We must also recognise an uncomfortable truth: the Jammu and Kashmir conflict has often been exploited by powerful political and military interests on all sides.


Instead of becoming a bridge of peace between South and Central Asia, Jammu and Kashmir became a battleground for nationalism, ideology, and strategic competition.


Ordinary Kashmiris paid the highest price.

Young people were pushed towards anger and hopelessness. Entire generations grew up surrounded by troops, checkpoints, suspicion, propaganda, and fear.


Violence produced more violence.

Extremism produced counter-extremism.

Hatred produced more hatred.

This cycle must end.


Our message today is clear:

The future of Jammu and Kashmir cannot be built through guns, militancy, military domination, religious extremism, or hatred against any community.

It can only be built through dialogue, democratic participation, respect for human dignity, and peaceful coexistence.

We believe in a political and peaceful struggle based on democratic values and human rights.

We believe that no solution can succeed unless it includes the genuine participation of the people of Jammu and Kashmir from all regions, religions, and political viewpoints.


Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Christians, and others have all suffered from this conflict in different ways. Therefore, peace must belong to everyone, not just to states or elites.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The British Parliament is an appropriate place for this discussion because Britain presents itself as a defender of democracy, parliamentary traditions, and human rights.

We urge British parliamentarians, policymakers, academics, and civil society organisations to play a constructive role in promoting peace and dialogue.

We ask them to support initiatives that encourage:

  • Human rights and civil liberties.
  • Cross-Line of Control contact between divided families.
  • Academic and cultural exchanges.
  • Demilitarisation and reduction of tensions.
  • Protection of minorities and vulnerable communities.
  • And meaningful political engagement involving the people of Jammu and Kashmir.


Most importantly, we ask the international community to listen to the voices of ordinary Kashmiris — not only to governments, military establishments, or geopolitical strategists.


Ladies and gentlemen,

Peace requires courage.

Hatred is easy.

Violence is easy.

War slogans are easy.


But reconciliation, compromise, tolerance, and coexistence require wisdom and moral strength.

Our region has already suffered too much.

South Asia cannot move towards prosperity and stability while two nuclear powers remain trapped in permanent hostility over unresolved disputes.


The people of Jammu and Kashmir deserve schools instead of fear, opportunities instead of militarisation, and dignity instead of perpetual conflict.


Before I conclude, let me say clearly:

We oppose terrorism.
We oppose religious extremism.
We oppose sectarian hatred.
We oppose violence against civilians by any actor.
And we equally oppose the denial of democratic rights and peaceful political expression.

Our struggle is for peace, justice, dignity, and the right of people to live without fear.

Many of us rightly criticise Pakistan, India, and Britain for their roles in the tragedy of Jammu and Kashmir. However, I also believe that the leadership of Jammu and Kashmir must share some responsibility for our present situation. 

At critical moments in our history, serious political mistakes were made. Some leaders aligned themselves entirely with either India or Pakistan instead of prioritising the interests and aspirations of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Sadly, some also promoted policies influenced by extremism, violence, and religious hatred rather than advancing a pro-people, democratic, and peaceful vision. This, too, has contributed to our suffering and divisions.

Finally, I would like to remind everyone that history should not only be a source of pain, but also a source of lessons.

The mistakes of 1947 must not continue forever.

The responsibility of our generation is not to deepen divisions, but to build bridges.

Not to create new enemies, but to create conditions for peace.

Not to inherit hatred, but to leave behind hope for future generations.

Thank you very much.

Peace be upon you all.

 


--
Dr Shabir Choudhry

 Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) said: "Say what is true, although it may be bitter and displeasing to people."

Saturday, 16 May 2026

China-US Relations After Trump’s Visit: Cooperation, Strategic Competition, and the Emerging New World Order

 

China-US Relations After Trump’s Visit:

Cooperation, Strategic Competition, and the Emerging New World Order

Dr Shabir Choudhry, 16 May 2026, London


The evolving relationship between China and the United States remains one of the most decisive factors shaping the future global order. Donald Trump’s renewed engagement with China—whether viewed as diplomatic pragmatism, strategic bargaining, or economic necessity—has once again highlighted a reality that neither side can escape despite deep rivalry, the world’s two largest powers are too interconnected for outright confrontation.


The future of China–US relations will therefore likely be determined not by total conflict or total friendship, but by a difficult balance between cooperation and competition.


This emerging balance will influence major global questions, including Taiwan, trade, artificial intelligence, Iran, the Persian Gulf, Pakistan, India, and Jammu and Kashmir.


From “Strategic Rivalry” to Managed Competition

During recent years, the dominant narrative in Washington has portrayed China as America’s principal strategic competitor. Trade wars, sanctions, restrictions on semiconductors, military alliances in the Indo-Pacific, and tensions over Taiwan intensified mistrust between the two powers.


However, despite harsh rhetoric, both sides gradually realised several important realities:

  • The American economy remains deeply connected with Chinese manufacturing and supply chains.
  • China still depends on access to global markets and financial stability.
  • Global crises—Ukraine, Iran, energy security, climate change, AI governance, and global trade—cannot be managed without cooperation between Washington and Beijing.

Trump’s engagement signalled that even hardline American policymakers understand that permanent confrontation with China would damage the global economy and potentially destabilise the international system itself.


Thus, a “new model of great power relations” may slowly emerge—one based not on ideological friendship but on controlled strategic coexistence.


Taiwan: The Most Dangerous Flashpoint

Despite talk of cooperation, Taiwan remains the single most dangerous issue in China–US relations.

For China, Taiwan is not merely a territorial dispute; it is linked to:

  • National unity
  • Historical legitimacy
  • Internal stability
  • The end of the “Century of Humiliation”


For the United States, Taiwan has become central to Indo-Pacific strategy and the containment of Chinese military expansion.


China’s leadership appears determined to avoid immediate war if peaceful reunification remains possible. However, Beijing also believes that any permanent movement toward Taiwanese independence crosses a red line.


Washington officially follows the “One China Policy,” yet increasing military and political support for Taiwan has raised tensions.


The future likely depends on whether both powers can maintain strategic ambiguity:

  • China is avoiding military escalation
  • The US is avoiding formal recognition of Taiwan
  • Taiwan is avoiding an outright declaration of independence

If this balance collapses, the consequences could reshape the entire world economy.


Trade, Technology, and the AI Revolution

The future struggle between China and the United States is increasingly technological rather than purely military.

China’s upcoming 15th Five-Year Plan reportedly focuses heavily on three transformative pillars:

  1. AI Plus
  2. Advanced Software Systems
  3. Quantum Technology and Security

China understands that future global dominance will depend on:

  • Artificial intelligence
  • Semiconductor independence
  • Cybersecurity
  • Quantum communication
  • Data infrastructure

Chinese planners reportedly envision an economy in which AI becomes integrated into nearly 90% of economic sectors, including:

  • Manufacturing
  • Logistics
  • Defence
  • Finance
  • Healthcare
  • Education
  • Governance

This transformation reflects China’s belief that technological sovereignty is essential for national security.


“Data from the East, Consumption in the West”

One of China’s major strategic concepts involves relocating large-scale data centres and computational infrastructure to western and inland regions while consumption and commercial demand remain concentrated in the east.

This “East Data, West Computing” strategy serves several purposes:

  • Reducing pressure on eastern coastal cities
  • Expanding development into interior provinces
  • Enhancing energy efficiency
  • Protecting strategic infrastructure
  • Strengthening digital resilience during geopolitical crises

Data has become the new strategic resource of the 21st century—similar to oil during the industrial age.

The nation that dominates:

  • AI models
  • Quantum encryption
  • Data infrastructure
  • Cloud systems
  • Semiconductor ecosystems

will possess immense geopolitical influence.


Iran, China, Russia, and India: A New Diplomatic Triangle

The Iranian Foreign Minister’s visits to India, China, and Moscow reflect Tehran’s effort to navigate an increasingly multipolar world.

Iran seeks:

  • Economic survival under sanctions
  • Strategic balancing
  • Recognition of its regional role
  • Peaceful nuclear technology rights

China and Russia largely support Iran’s right to peaceful nuclear energy under international safeguards, while opposing Western attempts at regime isolation.

India, meanwhile, faces a delicate balancing act:

  • Maintaining relations with the US
  • Preserving energy ties with Iran
  • Managing competition with China
  • Protecting regional strategic autonomy

Iran’s growing ties with China and Russia may accelerate the emergence of a Eurasian geopolitical bloc less dependent on Western financial and security systems.


The Persian Gulf and Future Regional Administration

The Persian Gulf remains one of the world’s most strategically sensitive regions because it affects:

  • Global oil supplies
  • Maritime trade routes
  • Energy prices
  • Military balances

China increasingly prefers stability in the Gulf because:

  • It depends heavily on Gulf energy
  • Regional conflict threatens Belt and Road investments
  • War disrupts global trade


Unlike the United States, which historically maintained military dominance in the Gulf, China appears to favour a model of shared regional security and economic interdependence.


If Iran, Gulf Arab states, China, Russia, and even India gradually move toward cooperative regional mechanisms, the Gulf may evolve from a zone of military confrontation into one of managed strategic coexistence.

However, this transformation faces major obstacles:

  • US-Iran tensions
  • Israel-Iran rivalry
  • Sectarian conflicts
  • Competition for regional leadership


Pakistan, India, and Jammu & Kashmir

China’s strategic partnership with Pakistan remains central to South Asian geopolitics.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is not merely an economic project; it has strategic implications involving:

  • Trade routes
  • Energy security
  • Access to the Arabian Sea
  • Regional influence

India views several aspects of CPEC with suspicion, particularly where routes pass through Gilgit-Baltistan, part of the wider Jammu and Kashmir dispute.

For Pakistan, Chinese support provides:

  • Strategic balance against India
  • Economic investment
  • Diplomatic backing in international forums

For China, Pakistan offers:

  • Access to the Indian Ocean
  • Regional security cooperation
  • Counterbalance to Indo-Pacific containment strategies


Meanwhile, India continues strengthening ties with the United States, Japan, and Western powers as part of its broader strategic calculations regarding China.

This triangular relationship—China, India, and Pakistan—will significantly shape the future of South Asia.


Jammu and Kashmir in the Emerging Global Order

The Jammu and Kashmir dispute remains deeply connected to broader regional power politics.

China’s interests in the region involve:

  • Border security
  • CPEC infrastructure
  • Stability in Xinjiang
  • Regional connectivity


India increasingly frames Kashmir as an internal matter linked to national sovereignty and counterterrorism.

Pakistan continues to emphasise:

  • UN resolutions
  • Self-determination
  • Human rights concerns


As China rises globally and US-China competition intensifies, Kashmir may increasingly become connected to wider geopolitical alignments.

However, none of the major powers appears interested in a direct regional war between nuclear states.


This reality may eventually push all parties toward some form of long-term managed stability, even if a final political settlement remains distant.

Sadly, despite immense suffering, very few people seem willing to discuss the fundamental rights of the people of forcibly divided Jammu and Kashmir. Much attention is given to trade, resources, economic interests, and regional strategic considerations, yet the plight of families divided since 1947 is often overlooked.

This neglect and sense of injustice can, at times, push some hot-headed individuals toward acts of violence in an attempt to draw the attention of the international community. Such actions are then condemned as terrorism, leading concerned states to introduce even harsher security policies, which frequently make life more difficult for the ordinary suffering people of Jammu and Kashmir.

Toward a Multipolar World


The global order is clearly moving away from complete American unipolar dominance toward a more complex multipolar system.

Key emerging centres of power include:

  • China
  • The United States
  • Russia
  • India
  • Regional coalitions in the Gulf and Eurasia

The future international system may not be based purely on ideology but on overlapping interests, technological competition, economic interdependence, and strategic bargaining.

China’s long-term vision appears focused on:

  • Technological supremacy
  • Economic resilience
  • Internal stability
  • Multipolar diplomacy
  • Strategic patience

The United States still possesses enormous strengths:

  • Military power
  • Financial influence
  • Innovation ecosystems
  • Global alliances

Therefore, the coming decades will likely witness:

  • Competition without total war
  • Cooperation without full trust
  • Economic integration alongside strategic rivalry


Conclusion

The future of China–US relations will define the political, economic, and technological direction of the 21st century.

Issues such as Taiwan, AI, quantum technology, Iran, the Persian Gulf, Pakistan, India, and Jammu and Kashmir are no longer isolated regional matters; they are interconnected elements of a rapidly changing global order.


The central question is no longer whether the world is changing—it already is.

The real question is whether major powers can manage this transition peacefully, or whether rivalry, mistrust, and geopolitical ambition will push the world toward deeper instability.


The answer to that question may determine the future of humanity itself.

Dr Shabir Choudhry is a London-based political analyst, author, and expert on South Asian affairs, with a focus on Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Kashmir. Email: drshabirchoudhry@gmail.com

 


Friday, 15 May 2026

Cutting hair and clipping nails during the first ten days of Zil Haj. Dr Shabir Choudhry, 15 May 2026.

 Cutting hair and clipping nails during the first ten days of Zil Haj.

Dr Shabir Choudhry, 15 May 2026.

This issue is based on an authentic Hadith, but scholars differ on whether it is:

  • Obligatory (wājib),
  • Strongly recommended (sunnah/mustahabb),
  • Or simply advisable.

The matter specifically relates to those intending to offer a sacrifice (Qurbani/Udhiyah) during the first ten days of Dhul-Hijjah.

The main Hadith is reported in Sahih Muslim:

The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said:

“When the ten days (of Dhul-Hijjah) begin, and one of you intends to offer a sacrifice, let him not remove anything from his hair or nails until he has offered the sacrifice.”

(Sahih Muslim, Hadith 1977 — wording varies slightly in different narrations.)

What Does This Mean?

According to this Hadith:

  • A person intending to offer Qurbani should avoid:
    • Cutting hair,
    • Trimming nails,
    • And according to many scholars, removing body hair
      during the first ten days of dhul-hijjah until the sacrifice is completed.

This ruling applies even if the person is not performing Hajj. So the practice is connected to:

  • The intention of sacrifice (Udhiyah/Qurbani), not only for Hajj.

Important Clarification

This does NOT mean the person becomes like a pilgrim in the full sense.

Someone performing Hajj in the state of Ihram has many restrictions, including:

  • Perfume,
  • Marital relations,
  • Hunting,
  • Stitched clothes (for men), etc.

Those offering Qurbani while not on Hajj are only advised regarding:

  • Hair,
  • Nails,
  • And possibly body hair.

Scholarly Opinions

1. Majority Position: Recommended, Not Obligatory

Many scholars — including scholars from the:

  • The Hanafi school, and some Maliki and Shafi‘i scholars, say:
  • Avoiding cutting hair and nails is recommended (mustahabb),
  • But not compulsory.

According to this view:

  • If someone cuts hair or nails,
  • The qurbani remains valid,
  • And there is no sin.

This is the position commonly followed in South Asia.

2. Hanbali Position: Obligatory

Many Hanbali scholars, based on the literal wording of the Hadith, consider it obligatory (wājib) to avoid cutting hair and nails until the sacrifice is performed.

According to this opinion:

  • Deliberately cutting them without necessity is disliked or sinful,
  • Though the sacrifice itself is still valid.

Why Is This Practice Encouraged?

Scholars mention several wisdoms:

  • Symbolic resemblance to pilgrims in Hajj,
  • Spiritual preparation,
  • Humility and devotion,
  • Participating spiritually in the sacred days,
  • And preserving the body until the sacrifice is completed.

Some scholars also mention that every part of the body is hoped to be protected from punishment through the blessing of sacrifice, though this interpretation is more spiritual than legal.

Practical Summary

If someone intends to offer Qurbani:

  • It is based on authentic Hadith to avoid cutting:
    • Nails,
    • Hair,
    • And body hair during the first ten days of dhul-hijjah until the animal is sacrificed.

However:

  • Many scholars regard this as recommended rather than obligatory.
  • If someone trims hair or nails, the Qurbani is still valid.

So, people should avoid turning this issue into harsh judgment or declaring others sinful without recognising the legitimate scholarly differences. End.