Struggle to Disempowerment, Sahil Mushtaq

Struggle to Disempowerment, Sahil Mushtaq

October 31, 2013 by Team SAISA 
Article “Absence of Structured Response “ by Firdous Syed published in Greater Kashmir on 25 October very aptly explains as to why the direction taken by the Kashmir struggle has resulted in dis-empowerment of the people, brought about through constitutional erosion. While the writer has very nicely diagnosed the disease, he did not touch upon the causative systemic failures of the struggle that brought about the mess in the struggle.

Firstly, for any struggle to succeed, there is a need for an “ideology” to be based on certain ideals and realistic goals. This could have helped in emergence of the leadership based on defined roles and end state of the struggle. The stakeholders were not aiming for the empowerment of the people, rather at each stage of the struggle they were struggling for their own supremacy.  This led to fractured goals and struggles within the struggle. Scares of collective destiny of the people of Kashmir are just the façade created by our revered separatist leaders. Large Indian state with hugely superior military and economic might found it too easy to design the counters to such individualistic aspirations of leadership. When fracturing was inherent to the struggle New Delhi had to simply keep the divides intact.

Secondly, the Kashmir struggle could never get woven around the unique character  of Kashmir that is kashmiriyat and secular frame, which have acted as the spine of Kashmir for hundreds and thousands of years. Involvement of Pakistan, a society characterized by hardcore Islamic fundamentals, eroded the very strength of Kashmir. Militancy, leading to the displacement of kashmiri pandits and numerous forms of trauma, kept the kashmiris confused about the way the struggle was heading. Sources of national pride were systematically eroded through 25 years of violence and we the Kashmiris, either for fear of life or due to true personal gains allowed all this to happen. Leadership of struggle never worked for constitutional supremacy, they were simply fighting a turf war for personal fiefdom, relegating interest of the people to infinity.

Thirdly, only those struggles have been successful that have realistic goals and are based on stage wise realization of sub goals. This itself is dependent on the consolidation of the society and ideals, which pose a sustained threat to the adversary’s ideology. In my own assessment, Kashmir struggle did not have realistic objectives. A realistic objective is the one that is achievable and sustainable. By this definition, can “azadi” be termed as a realistic objectives of the struggle. More over, the stakeholders, particularly the separatists, do not want the struggle to end, even when the end is a successful one.

Let us assume that Kashmir gets azadi. Then what? If it retains its democratic character post azadi, it will be some Abdullahs or Muftis who will be ruling. The façade that Geelani’s, Mirwaiz’s and Mallicks have created will come crumbling down because they lack the real mass base. So, what will ultimately happen to the kingship enjoyed by them now? The importance, the voice (though due to nuisance value), their business empire, the media presence and even the Government attention that they are enjoying will vanish. So, why will they ever want to give up all this. Had this not been the prime reason, our struggle would not have drifted between the north and south poles all these years.

From plebiscite, the objectives of the struggle moved on to autonomy, azadi, self determination, and what not. As of now the people are confused about the objective itself. Had we simply concentrated on one simple objective of internal constitutional autonomy we would have enjoyed the “azadi” as well as development. Seeing purely through the prism of kashmiri interest, let india take care of defence, foreign affairs, economy and whetever else that does not concern our real empowerment and the state government focus on the real issues affecting the lives of the masses.

If we continue to follow the mirage, we will continue getting disempowered.

Sahil Mushtaq is a social worker in Kashmir.

E mail sahilmushtaq78@gmail.com Views expressed are personal.

http://saisaonline.org/analysis/struggle-to-disempowerment/

Drawing Parallels, Niloofar Qureshi

Drawing Parallels, Niloofar Qureshi

October 27, 2013 by Team SAISA 
2 Comments

Image courtesy Reuters

Ever since the Kalashnikov first made its entry into Kashmir over two decades ago, there has been much debate on the usefulness of an ‘armed struggle’ in getting us ‘azadi’. However, while one cannot predict its efficacy in the times to come, one thing is certain- it has certainly not worked until now and there are no indications that it would, in the near future. There is no doubt that armed resurrections have succeeded elsewhere, but then, Kashmir is no Afghanistan or Iraq. Readers will recall that the Russians withdrew from Afghanistan primarily because it realised that it was foolish to continue suffering losses for the sake of a country that was not theirs and the Americans felt the same in Iraq. However, since India claims Kashmir to be its ‘integral’ part and despite the UN resolutions, obstinately defends this unilateral view, it has no option but to hold on to J&K at all costs.

Another reason for Russia and America to withdraw from Afghanistan and Iraq was the mounting domestic opposition to the large number of its military personnel being killed, maimed or injured in what was perceived by the public to be a ‘senseless war’. During its nine years in Afghanistan, Russia lost about 15000 soldiers, while around 35000 of its military personnel were injured and this averages to more than 1500 deaths and 3500 injuries annually.  In Iraq, the American armed forces casualties were more than 4000 personnel killed and 32000 wounded, which averages an annual casualty rate of more than 450 killed and about 3,500 injured. With its present military capability, it is very unlikely that the HM as well as the other constituent members of the UJC would be able inflict such heavy losses on the Indian security forces. Even if they are able to do so, unlike for the Russian and American public which had little love lost for Afghanistan or Iraq, Kashmir is an emotional issue for Indians and for its sake, no ‘sacrifice’ is considered too much.

The mujahideen succeeded in Afghanistan, as they were armed to the teeth with sophisticated weapons that included the deadly ‘stinger’ anti-aircraft missiles. In addition, they also had access to precise military information regarding Soviet troops, thanks to the information acquired through US satellites and advanced military interception facilities, which were freely made available to them by the CIA. In Iraq, the Americans suffered heavily as they were faced with a host of indigenous terrorist outfits with divergent ideological and sectarian backgrounds, as well as foreign groups- with Iran allegedly playing the role of their benefactor, just as America had done during the Russian occupation of Afghanistan. Therefore, if Syed Sallaudin is determined to take the ‘armed struggle’ to its logical conclusion a la Afghanistan and Iraq, then he has only two options. The first would be to replicate the ‘Afghanistan model’ by getting the wholehearted military support of a nation capable of providing an unlimited supply of modern weapons to his mujahideens and the second, by adopting the ‘Iraq model’ which would entail enlisting the support of foreign militant groups.

While America, on account of its influential position in the international community could disregard world opinion and openly support the mujahideen fighting the Soviets in Afghanistan, no ‘lesser’ nation would ever risk international ostracisation by following this example. Thus, Sallaudin has only one option left for waging a ‘meaningful’ armed struggle in Kashmir and that is by inviting foreign terrorist groups to join the ongoing ‘armed struggle’ in Kashmir. This is a distinct possibility, as there is precedence of ‘mehmaan mujahideen’ (‘Guest’ fighters) fighting the security forces in Kashmir and with the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan, there would be no dearth of such mujahideen who would readily be willing to oblige. However, this option will obviously come with ‘strings attached’, as the foreign fighters would be fighting for the cause of establishing their religious ideologies and not for the purpose of giving the Kashmiris their ‘right to self determination’.

The ‘armed struggle’ has caused numerous deaths and immense destruction while giving New Delhi the much-required justification for its huge military presence in Kashmir. The international community does acknowledge that J&K is the most “militarised zone” in the world and the Amnesty International does regularly issue statements like, “Indian authorities must take responsibility and initiate independent, impartial prompt and efficient investigations into serious allegations of human rights violations in Kashmir.”  Yet, the fact of the matter is that besides offering occasional sympathy, no one is taking any concrete measures to resolve the issue, which, as per the European Union’s has converted Kashmir into a “beautiful prison.”

In light of the US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s “keeping snakes in the backyard” comment and President Obama’s recent refusal for US intervention to resolve the Kashmir issue as requested by Nawaz Sharif, the time has come for serious introspection on use of violence as part of the movement for the ‘right to self determination’. Sallaudin until now has shown no inclination towards calling-off his ‘armed struggle’ and one needs to respect his unwavering conviction and deep sense of commitment towards the Kashmir cause. However, there is also a crying need making major changes in the strategy of the ongoing struggle so as to gain greater international support for this cause and thus it is incumbent on the intelligentsia and civil society to intervene and attempt to persuade the adamant UJC chief and Hizb supremo to reconsider his stand. And if Sallaudin does introspect on the role of his ‘armed struggle’ then he would realise its futility as well as the immense import of his own perceptive observation that, “We are fighting Pakistan’s war in Kashmir!”

Niloofar Qureshi is based in New Delhi and can be reached at: niloofar.qureshi@yahoo.com 

http://saisaonline.org/analysis/drawing-parallels/

A General’s Truth About Kashmir Politics, RASHID AHMAD

A General’s Truth About Kashmir Politics

RASHID AHMAD October 31, 2013

Corruption, in Kashmir, is a political concession. It is practiced to buy loyalties. People and politicians enjoy it with complete approval of the system. 

In 2005 Jammu and Kashmir, in a study by Transparency International—a non-governmental world body (NGO)—was declared second the most corrupt state after Bihar. By now it must have qualified to number one slot because corruption here is not limited to government administration only. It is equally rampant in social and political life as well. Bribes are paid here to buy loyalties. It is rather a political concession that people and politicians enjoy with complete approval of the system they live in. That is why no heads rolled, and no faces frowned when former Army Chief General V K Singh made stunning disclosures about political corruption in Kashmir, last month. He said ‘politicians in Kashmir have been receiving money since 1947’.  Gen Singh himself, as army chief, is reported to have paid Rs.1.19 crores to Agriculture Minister Ghulam Hassan Mir for ‘destabilizing or stabilizing’ Omar Abdullah’s government in 2010. Former army chief was candid enough to acknowledge (in interviews with TV news channels) for having paid money to Kashmir minister to ‘organize protests to counter separatist leaders ’.

National Conference initially raised some hue against Gen Singh’s revelations. Its legislators, on October 1, moved a privilege motion against him in the state Assembly and wanted him to be summoned to the House to explain his position. The motion got overwhelming support in the House. Speaker Mubarak Gull said that former army chief would be summoned in near future but the House later contented with chief minister Omar Abdullah’s assurance that he, in a written communiqué to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, has sought time-bound probe into Gen Singh’s ‘allegations’. The opposition PDP President and legislature party leader Mahbooba Mufti made an interesting observation during debate on the motion, which in a way corroborated the assertions of General Singh. She said that message should go from the House ‘ki hum aagay bikne ke liye taiyaar nahi hien (For future, we are no more ready for sale).

But it was indeed Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, who got the real import of former army chief’s expose’. He was worried more about image than substance. “I firmly believe that nobody has caused this kind of damage to the mainstream political institutions in Jammu and Kashmir since 1947,” he said during the debate. His concern was not beside the point. Abdullah family (Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah, Farooq Abdullah, Ghulam Mohammad Shah (son-in-law of Shaikh) and Omar) has ruled Jammu and Kashmir (in different phases) for over 33 years since 1947. It was but natural for him to feel the pain that Gen Singh’s pinch caused. “Lal Kitab (Red Book)”, a booklet compiled in early 80s, catalogued acts of corruption committed by Shaikh Abdullah and his family. The booklet, with documentary evidence revealed that in the very first cabinet meeting Abdullah held after his return to power in 1975 allotted prized government land at Gupkar to his family and relatives. The booklet said that Abdullah amassed wealth and assets to the tune of Rs.20 crore in and outside the government. Former JK Governor Jagmohan, in his book, My Frozen Turbulence In Kashmir, concedes that after 1977, Shaikh Abdullah acquired unlimited powers, and corruption acquired new fangs and depths in Kashmir.  

Quoting from Abida Hussain’s book—Life of Shaikh Abdullah—Jagmohan further adds “Shaikh Abdullah and his family were persons of modest means before he came to power as chief minister. Today, his known immovable assets are estimated to be worth more than 20 crores of rupees. This phenomenal accumulation has taken place within a short span of time, from 1975 to 1981. His assets are mainly in the shape of illegally-occupied government lands of the highest commercial value in the state and a series of palatial buildings that have come up over these lands. Needless to add that these buildings have been constructed with money and materials obtained from all sorts of dubious sources from contractors working with government departments”. (Frozen Turbulence—page 205)

Ironically, Shaikh Abdullah was accused of receiving money from Pakistan as well when he was campaigning for “plebiscite” in Jammu and Kashmir. After his removal from the government in 1953, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah (in 1955) launched Plebiscite Front seeking right of self determination for the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Plebiscite Front’s political ideology was similar to that of present-day All Parties Hurriyat Conference. PDP senior leader and former deputy chief minister Muzaffar Hussain Baig claimed that it (receiving money from Pakistan) was confirmed in a White Paper on Kashmir issued by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, then Prime Minister of Pakistan, in 1977.  Abdul Rasheed Kabli, then leader and MLA of the Janata Party (1977), on one occasion put the figure at Rs.7.86crores Shaikh Abdullah, according to White Paper, had received from Bhutto. 

Corruption in Kashmir was formally institutionalized in Bakhshi Ghulam Mohammad’s regime, who took over the reins of government after Shaikh Abdullah was toppled and jailed on August 9, 1953. Bukhshi ruled the state for 11 years (1953-64). New Delhi threw open the doors of its treasury and sent in bags full of money to bribe people and politicians in order to stem resentment and anger in the wake of Abdullah’s arrest. A culture of subsidy (on food and ration) was introduced to woo common people. It made corruption a rightful thing with people and politicians at all levels competing with one another in accumulating wealth. “Union government, by and large, turned blind eye to the existence of corruption in Kashmir” (Jagmohan–My Frozen Turbulence In Kashmir—page 203).  

Corruption touched new heights during succeeding governments of Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq and Syed Mir Qasim as well. Sadiq, who ruled Kashmir for six years (1965-71), in person had clean image but the largesse from New Delhi continued to flow to placate and appease people. In return, government of India got huge political and constitutional concessions. It was during this period that the offices of Prime Minister and Sadr-e-Riyasat were closed down to pave way for introduction of chief minister and governor’s offices in the state. Congress, as party, was formally launched in Kashmir and Sadiq became the first (Congress) chief minister of the state.

Treasure troves were also left open for close aides of Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah as well. Many of them deserted Abdullah in late 60s and early 70s to join the mainstream politics and government. Senior Plebiscite Front leaders—Ali Mohammad Nayak, Mubarak Shah, Ghulam Qadir Mir along with many other middle-rung leaders—participated in elections against Abdullah’s call for boycott. Common perception, though not supported by any substantial evidence, is that some members of Abdullah family were also wooed that paved way for 1975 Indira-Abdullah Accord under which Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah returned to Indian political mainstream to become the chief minister of the state.

How money power was used to topple Farooq Abdullah’s government  and install his brother-in-law Ghulam Mohammad Shah as chief minister in 1984 is a common knowledge in Kashmir. Corruption assumed the status of culture, more particularly at administrative level, after Farooq Abdullah returned to power following an agreement with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1986.  

The rise of militancy in 1989 gave a new flip to the distribution of government ‘charities’ in Kashmir. It opened for all and sundry. Buying loyalties took the centre-stage of institutional functioning. Militants, their over-ground helpers, Imams of mosques, religious leaders, political activists, journalists, sports persons, social and human rights activists and village heads got the attention of state institutions. Many a militants and political activists operated under direct sponsorship of the state agencies. Ikhwan and Muslim Mujahideen were two dreaded militant groups operating in tandem with security forces to combat militants. Awami League was state-sponsored political outfit. Hundreds of people among common masses got engaged as ‘informers’ by police and security and intelligence agencies.

A former officer in Social Welfare Department said that hundreds of NGOs under different names and categories came into existence and were registered with different government departments. All these NGOs got generous funding from the government with no or little accountability. The newspaper publications witnessed a mushroom growth. From half a dozen in 1990, the number of daily and weekly newspapers shot up in hundreds. Where from funds flows for them is an enigma. In 2011, it was revealed that 362 Madrasas (religious schools) across Jammu and Kashmir also got government funding. Kashmir witnessed a surge in sports activities as well. General V K Singh has emphatically said that organizing sports activities was one of the main functions of army’s Goodwill project.

Common impression in the valley is that government worked on many separatist leaders as well. Many of them are seen as beneficiaries of, both, Indian and Pakistani largesse. Despite their claims of separation from Indian mainstream, they enjoy every facility—passports, visas, foreign trips and security—from the government.

“I don’t see any section of Kashmiri society corruption-free”, says advocate A U Mir adding “government is encouraging corruption in Kashmir with a design”. “People are paid or punished for their political beliefs”, he elaborates.

Last year, a huge corruption scandal got exposed in Kashmir Cricket Association which is headed union minister Dr Farooq Abdullah. It was alleged that an amount of Rs.24.64 crores, which was funded by Board of Control for Cricket (BCCI) for promotion of cricket in Jammu and Kashmir since 1996, had been swindled by the cricketing body. Nobody, not even the BCCI, took note of the scam. The same BCCI is known for actions against some high profile Cricketing officials like Lalit Modi. But it discreetly slept over the scandal in its Kashmir chapter. Farooq Abdullah had got away with another sensational scandal earlier as well.  A senior National Conference activist and a family loyal of Abdullahs, Syed Mohammad Yousuf had revealed to have paid Rs.1.18crores to Farooq Abdullah in lieu for providing a Legislative Council seat and a ministerial berth to two senior National Conference activists–Abdul Salam Reshi and Mohammad Yousuf Bhat . Syed yousuf died within 12 hours of the expose in the custody of Police Crime Branch.  

In 2008, independent MLA Shoaib Lone (on the floor of the House) accused then Congress President and education minister Peerzadah Mohammad Saeed of taking bribe of Rs.40000 from him to grant a transfer of his sister, who is an employee in state education department. Peerzadah was asked to step down as Congress president but allowed to continue as minister. He is presently also a cabinet minister. Senior Congress leaders and ministers Taj Mohiuddin and Sham Lal, last year, publicly engaged against each other over allegations of corruption in their respective ministries. Senior Congress vice president and former minister Abdul Gani Vakeel wrote a letter to Congress national president Sonia Gandhi (which he released to media later) over corruption practiced by Congress ministers in Kashmir. But it all went on unnoticed.

A journalist-friend has an interesting explanation over no-action against corruption in Kashmir. “Corruption is a political concession in Kashmir. It keeps the flock together. Doing away with it would mean people turning their backs on you” he says “which is least in the interest of New Delhi”.   

 Courtesy Kashmir Monitor

http://saisaonline.org/analysis/a-general-s-truth-about-kashmir-politics/

Interview of Shakat Kashmiri

http://www.jammukashmir.tv/player/Siyasat/Siyasat-With-Shams-Guest-Sardar-Shaukat-Ali-Kashmiri-.html

Kashmir Valley – The land of agents, Riyaz Wani

Kashmir Valley – The land of agents, Riyaz Wani

‘The Musharraf - led peace process between 2003- 2007 brought a qualitative shift to the characterisation. It became even more complex and ambivalent. Believe it or not, Mirwaiz Umer Farooq is seen by many as an Indian agent and Geelani, despite his commitment to Pakistan, is also not absolved from suspicion.’ Read more:
http://freepresskashmir.com/kashmir-the-land-of-agents-070828/

100 Sunnats of Our beloved Prophet PBUH

100 Sunnats of Our beloved Prophet PBUH 

It is essential that we follow the way of our beloved Prophet(PBUH) in every aspect of our life to get the reward for every action. Whether we eat, drink, sleep, talk, walk, deal with other people, and any other aspect of our life, if we adopt the Sunnah of Prophet(PBUH) we will benefit from the outcome of that action and we will also get reward of following the Sunnah. Following are the 100 Sunnah’s of Prophet(PBUH) regarding very basic human needs. Adopt them in your daily life and see the benefit.

Sunnats of the Toilet

1.    Enter the toilet with your head covered.

2.    Enter the toilet with shoes.

3.    Recite the dua before entering the toilet.

4.    Enter with the left foot.

5.    Sit and urinate. One should never urinate whilst standing.

6.    One should not face or show his back towards Qiblah.

7.    Do not speak in the toilet.

8.    Be very careful of the splashes of the urine. (Being unmindful in this regard causes one to be punished in the grave).

9.    After relieving oneself, cleanse oneself using water.

10. Leave the toilet with the right foot.

11. Recite the dua after coming out of the toilet.

Sunnats of Eating

1.    Spread out a cloth on the floor before eating.

2.    Wash both hands up to the wrists.

3.    Remove your shoes before eating.

4.    Sit on the floor and eat.

5.    Before eating recite ‘Bismillah wa’la barakatillah’ aloud.

6.    When eating, sit with either both knees on the ground or one knee raised or both knees raised.

7.    Do not lean and eat.

8.    Eat with the right hand.

9.    Eat with three fingers if possible.

10.  One should not eat very hot food.

11. Do not blow on the food.

12. Eat from the side that is in front of you.

13. If a morsel of food falls down, pick it up, clean it and eat it.

14. Whilst eating, one should not remain completely silent.

15. Do not find fault with the food.

16. Clean the plate and. other utensils thoroughly after eating. by doing this, the utensil makes  dua for one’s forgiveness.

17. After eating, lick the fingers.

18. Recite the dua after eating.

19. Remove the food before getting up.

20. Wash both the hands after meals.

21. Thereafter gargle the mouth.

Sunnats of Drinking

1.    Recite “Bismillah” before drinking.

2.     A Muslim should drink with the right hand. Shaytaan drinks with the left hand.

3.    Sit and drink.

4.    Do not drink directly from the jug or bottle. One should pour the contents into a glass first and then drink.

5.    Drink in 3 breaths (sips), removing the utensil from the mouth after each sip.

6.    After drinking say “Alhamdulillah”.

Sunnats of Sleeping

1.     It is Sunnah to sleep immediately after the Esha Salaah.

2.    Before going to sleep, discuss with one’s family members matters pertaining to Deen. (Whether it is in the form of reading some Islamic Books or narrating some incidents of Sahaabah etc.)

3.    To sleep in the state of wudhu.

4.    To brush the teeth with a miswaak.

5.    One should change into some other clothes (e.g. pajamas) before going to sleep. To apply surmah in both the eyes.

6.    Dust the bed thrice before retiring to bed.

7.    To sleep on the right hand side.

8.    To sleep with the right palm under the right cheek.

9.    To keep the knees slightly bent when sleeping.

10. Refrain from sleeping on one’s stomach.

11. To sleep on a bed or to sleep on the floor are both Sunnah.

12. To face the Qiblah.

13. 52.  To recite Surah Mulk, before sleeping.

14. 53.  To recite Ayatul Kursi.

15. To recite Surah Ikhlaas, Surah Falaq and Surah Naas before sleeping 3 times and thereafter blow over the entire body thrice.

16. Recite Tasbeeh e Fatimi before sleeping (i.e. 33 times Subhan Allah timesAlhamdulillah and 34 times Allahu Akbar).

17. To recite the dua before sleeping.

Sunnats when Awakening

1.    To wake up for Tahajjud Salaah.

2.     On awakening rub the face and the eyes with the palms of the hands in order to remove the effects of sleep.

3.    Say “Alhamdulillah” thrice and then recite “Kalima Tayyibah” on awakening.

4.    Thereafter recite the dua on awakening.

5.    To make the bed yourself

6.    On awakening cleanse the mouth with a miswaak.

Sunnats when Wearing Clothes

1.    Rasulullah (Sallallahu alayhi wasallam) loved white clothing.

2.    When putting on any garment Rasulullah (Sallallahu alayhi wasallam) always began with the right limb.

3.    When removing any garment Rasulullah (Sallallahu alayhi wasallam) always removed the left limb first.

4.    Males must wear the pants above the ankles. Females should ensure that their lower garment covers their ankles.

5.    Men should wear a ‘topee’ (hat) or turban. Females must wear scarves covering all their hair at” all times.

6.    When wearing shoes, first wear the right shoe then the left.

7.    When removing your shoes, first remove the left and then the right.

 Sunnats when Entering the Home

1.    To recite the dua before entering the home.

2.    To greet those that are in the house with “Assalaamu alaykum.”

3.     To announce one’s arrival by coughing, greeting, etc. even though it may be your own house.

Sunnats – Miscellaneous

1.    Using a miswaak is a great Sunnah of Rasulullah (Sallallahu alayhi wasallam). One who makes miswaak when making wudhu and thereafter performs Salaah will receive 70 times more reward. It will also enable one to easily recite thekallma at the time of death.

2.     To have a bath on a Friday.

3.    To apply itr. (This applies to men only).

4.    For men to keep a beard that is one fist in length.

5.    To carry one’s shoes in the left hand.

6.    To make wudhu at home before going to the Masjid.

7.    To enter the Masjid with the right foot.

8.    To leave the Masjid with the left foot.

9.    To keep the gaze on the ground whilst walking.

10. 82.  To speak softly and politely.

11. To greet all Muslims by saying. ‘Assalaamu alaykum wa rahmatullahl wabarakaatuhu.”

12.  To show mercy to those who are younger than you.

13. To respect your elders.

14. To respect your parents.

15. To visit a Muslim when he is sick.

16. To be good towards your neighbor.

17. To meet a Muslim with a cheerful face.

18. To care for the poor and elderly.

19. To keep good relations with all your relatives.

20. To honor a guest, even though he may not be of a very high position.

21. To be hospitable towards your guest.

22. To exchange gifts with one another.

23. To make mashwarah (consult) with one’s parents, teachers or elders before doing any work.

24. To ponder over the creation of Allah Ta’ala.

25. To command people to do good.

26. To forbid them from doing evil.

27. To recite some portion of the Qur’an Sharif daily.

28. To make dua to Allah Ta’ala for the fulfillment of one’s needs in whatever language one desires.