Thursday, 28 May 2026

You Know He Has Been to Delhi, Shabir Choudhry, London.

You Know He Has Been to Delhi

Shabir Choudhry, London.


True Kashmiri nationalists have never been in the good books of the Pakistani establishment. As a Kashmiri nationalist who, since my teenage days, has strongly opposed Kashmir’s accession to either India or Pakistan and consistently advocated the concept of a united and independent Kashmir, I could never expect to enjoy official favour. I have no regrets about this, because sincere adherence to this ideology was never likely to win support from those who regard it as being “against their national interest.”


Not all members of the Pakistani establishment are necessarily sincere in safeguarding Pakistan’s national interests, but I can honestly say that I have pursued the cause of an independent Kashmir with complete sincerity and dedication. This ideology has always remained very close to my heart.


My foremost responsibility is loyalty to my organisation, my ideology, and the Kashmiri nation. I am under no obligation to serve the national interests of either India or Pakistan, nor to follow their dictates. For maintaining this independent position, I have paid a price in many different forms throughout my political life.


Unlike many politicians, I have always believed in calling a spade a spade. Whenever I have had an opportunity to speak on Kashmir and explain the ideology of the JKLF, I have tried to remain clear, focused, and unequivocal. My message does not change according to the venue or audience, and that has often annoyed certain people.


Apart from advocating and lobbying for an independent Kashmir, I have also strongly criticised both India and Pakistan for their respective policies and actions in Kashmir. I have done so honestly and sincerely, both verbally and in writing. Naturally, this irritated many people on both sides. Verbal criticism has its importance, but written criticism carries greater weight and leaves a lasting record. Someone once remarked that I was “bold and foolish” in my written criticism, and perhaps that is why I ended up making a few more enemies.


A well-wisher once told me about a private gathering of Pakistanis and Kashmiris in London where Kashmir was under discussion. During the conversation, my articles and criticism of Pakistan’s Kashmir policy also became a topic of debate. A senior official from the Pakistan High Commission was present, and in an attempt to impress him, someone began criticising the JKLF and me in particular.


However, among those present was a person with moral courage and a clear conscience. In the presence of the official, he defended both the JKLF and my right to express my views. According to the account given to me, he said:


“We may criticise the JKLF and disagree with its ideology, but the fact remains that this way of thinking is gaining popularity, not only among Kashmiris but internationally as well. As far as Shabir Choudhry is concerned, I know he criticises Pakistan’s Kashmir policy, but in my opinion, much of what he says makes sense. We may dislike it, but his criticism is based on historical facts, and he has every right to express himself.”


Encouraged by this intervention, others also joined the discussion and made favourable comments about the independent school of thought. Realising that the debate might generate sympathy for the cause of an independent Kashmir, the official decided to take control of the conversation. He said:


“We are not against the JKLF or any other organisation which believes in independence. Like any other Kashmiri party, they have the right to hold their views. However, what we cannot accept is anti-Pakistan slogans and open hostility towards Pakistan. We have information that many senior pro-independence leaders are anti-Pakistan and are actively pursuing the Indian agenda. The things they say and do divert attention away from what is happening in Indian-occupied Kashmir. As far as Shabir Choudhry is concerned, we know his agenda. Why wouldn’t he write such things? You know he has been to Delhi.”


With that one remark, accompanied by a knowing smile, the entire atmosphere changed. People began discussing Indian actions in Kashmir, conspiracies against Pakistan, and other related matters. The focus shifted completely. I often think that had I been present there, I would certainly have challenged these allegations directly.


Another example illustrates how determined some people within the establishment were to discredit pro-independence Kashmiri voices.


One day, I went to my local barber in London for a haircut. He knew me well, and we would normally discuss politics and current affairs while he worked. On that particular day, however, he appeared uneasy and unusually quiet. After finishing the haircut, he hesitantly asked me to step outside because he wanted to ask something privately.

Once outside, he asked:


“Choudhry Sahib, have you been to New Delhi?”


When I asked why he wanted to know, he narrated a story very similar to the one described above. The only difference was that no official from the High Commission had been present at that gathering. Nevertheless, we all know that there are always people willing to embellish stories and spread rumours to promote a particular narrative.


I replied to the barber that our position had always been clear and unambiguous. We had the courage and moral conviction to say the same thing in London, Islamabad, and New Delhi. Yes, I had visited New Delhi in November 2000 to participate in a Peace Conference that formed part of Track Two diplomacy. The conference was jointly organised by the Islamabad-based Institute of Regional Studies and the Indian NGO International Centre for Peace Initiatives.


It was not a secret gathering. Before travelling, I discussed the matter with my colleagues in the JKLF and consulted friends outside the organisation as well. I even issued a press statement before my departure. I also discussed the contents of my speech with colleagues beforehand.


Looking back, I remain convinced that attending the conference was the correct decision. From Delhi, I travelled to Srinagar, and that visit proved to be an eye-opener in many ways, as it allowed me to hear directly from people living under those circumstances and to understand the situation first-hand.


Copies of my written speech were available in Delhi, Srinagar, and London. Anyone interested could read exactly what I had said.


I often wonder why there was so much uproar over my visit to Delhi. I was certainly not the only person to visit India. Every year, thousands of Pakistanis travel there for business, tourism, or to visit relatives. Pakistani diplomats served there for years. Journalists, artists, lawyers, and academics regularly visited each other’s countries without having their loyalty questioned.


Yet a one-week visit by a Kashmiri nationalist became a matter of controversy, despite my long record of sincere and consistent work for the Kashmiri freedom struggle. It was as if I had somehow “sold Kashmir” merely by attending a conference.


Those who make such allegations fail to understand that in this age of global communication, no one needs to travel to New Delhi to make secret deals. India and Pakistan maintain embassies and diplomatic missions across the world. If anyone genuinely wished to strike a deal, there are countless opportunities available elsewhere.

It is an open secret that some people travelled to places like Geneva or even the United States to negotiate political arrangements or secure personal advantages. Yet those individuals often escaped scrutiny, while people who refused to follow official lines became easy scapegoats.


For far too long, innocent Kashmiris and Pakistanis have been misled by propaganda, suspicion, and character assassination. This culture of labelling and defaming political opponents must come to an end. The participants of the Delhi Conference deserved honest political debate, not smear campaigns and manufactured accusations.

Email: drshabirchoudhry@gmail.com

 

 

Tuesday, 26 May 2026

CPEC to IMEC-Corridors of Power and the Future of South Asia. Dr Shabir Choudhry, 26 May 2026, London.

 CPEC to IMEC-Corridors of Power and the Future of South Asia

Dr Shabir Choudhry, 26 May 2026, London.


The proposed India–UAE Growth Corridor, more widely linked to the broader India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), has potentially profound implications for Pakistan, CPEC, Jammu and Kashmir, and the wider geopolitics of South Asia and the Middle East. It is not merely an economic project; it is part of a larger strategic realignment involving India, the Gulf states, Europe, and the United States.


At one level, the corridor is presented as a trade and connectivity initiative linking India with the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, and Europe through railways, ports, shipping routes, digital cables, and energy infrastructure.


However, beneath the economic language lies a significant geopolitical project.

1. Strategic Challenge to CPEC and China

The most immediate implication is that IMEC is widely viewed as a strategic alternative — and in some respects a competitor — to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

CPEC gave Pakistan enormous geopolitical importance because:

  • China obtained direct access to the Arabian Sea through Gwadar.
  • Pakistan became central to China’s westward trade and energy strategy.
  • Gilgit-Baltistan acquired increased strategic value because it connects Xinjiang to Gwadar.
  • Pakistan became indispensable in China’s regional calculations.

IMEC potentially reduces that importance by creating:

  • An India-to-Europe route bypassing Pakistan entirely.
  • Stronger Gulf-India connectivity
  • An alternative supply chain less dependent on Chinese-controlled infrastructure.

In simple terms:

  • CPEC links China to the Arabian Sea via Pakistan
  • IMEC links India to Europe via the Gulf and Israel

This creates a direct strategic competition between two visions of Asian connectivity.

2. Marginalisation of Pakistan

One major concern for Pakistan is strategic exclusion.

For decades, Pakistan believed geography guaranteed permanent importance:

  • Gateway to Central Asia,
  • Bridge between South Asia and the Middle East,
  • Frontline state in great-power politics.

But IMEC attempts to redraw regional trade geography in a way that sidelines Pakistan altogether.

Instead of:

China Pakistan Arabian Sea

The alternative route becomes:

India UAE/Saudi Arabia Israel Europe

This weakens Pakistan’s long-term leverage.

If successful, IMEC could:

  • Reduce dependence on Pakistani transit routes.
  • Weaken Pakistan’s bargaining power internationally.
  • Reduce Gwadar’s strategic uniqueness.
  • Increase India's economic and diplomatic influence in the Gulf.

3. India’s Rise as a Regional and Global Power

The corridor reflects India's transformation from:

  • A South Asian power to
  • An Indo-Middle Eastern-European strategic actor.

India is now building:

  • Deep relations with the UAE and Saudi Arabia,
  • Strategic ties with Israel,
  • Technology and energy partnerships with Europe,
  • Military and maritime cooperation with the United States.

IMEC symbolises the emergence of India as:

  • A supply-chain hub,
  • A manufacturing centre,
  • A geopolitical bridge between East and West.

For Pakistan, this creates psychological and strategic pressure because traditionally:

  • Pakistan relied heavily on the Gulf states diplomatically,
  • Kashmir diplomacy depended partly on Muslim solidarity,
  • India was viewed as regionally constrained.

Now, the Gulf monarchies increasingly prioritise:

  • Trade,
  • Investment,
  • Logistics,
  • Ai,
  • Energy transition,
  • Over ideological alignments.

4. Implications for Kashmir

Indirectly, the corridor also affects the Jammu and Kashmir dispute.

A. Reduced Pakistani leverage

If Pakistan’s geopolitical importance declines, its ability to internationalise Jammu and Kashmir may weaken further.

Historically, Pakistan’s strategic value came from:

  • Cold war alliances,
  • Afghanistan,
  • China connection,
  • Geography.

If global powers increasingly see India as economically indispensable, sadly, Jammu and Kashmir may become even less central internationally.

B. Gilgit-Baltistan becomes more strategic

At the same time, CPEC has already increased the importance of Gilgit-Baltistan enormously.

This means:

  • Pakistan and China will become even more sensitive about security there.
  • India will likely intensify objections to CPEC routes passing through disputed territory.
  • Strategic competition over northern Kashmir may deepen.

Thus:
IMEC and CPEC together could make Jammu and Kashmir even more geopolitically sensitive.

5. UAE and Saudi Arabia: Shift from Ideology to Economics

Perhaps the most important long-term change is ideological.

Traditionally, many in Pakistan assumed:

  • Muslim countries would naturally align with Pakistan on Jammu and Kashmir.
  • Sadly, that did not happen, and there are many reasons for that.

The Gulf states are increasingly acting according to:

  • Economic nationalism,
  • Logistics strategy,
  • Post-oil diversification,
  • Global investment priorities.

Saudi Arabia, the UAE and some other Gulf states now see India as:

  • A huge market,
  • A technology partner,
  • An investment destination,
  • A labour and consumer giant.

That is why both states support IMEC enthusiastically.

This reflects a transition from:

Religious geopolitics to geo-economics.

6. Israeli Factor and Abraham Accords

The project also depends heavily on the normalisation process between Arab states and Israel initiated under the Abraham Accords.

The route linking:

India UAE Saudi Arabia Jordan Israel → Greece → Europe

would have been unimaginable two decades ago.

Therefore, IMEC also represents:

  • Gradual Middle Eastern realignment.
  • Tacit Arab-Israeli strategic cooperation.
  • Emergence of a new anti-Iran strategic architecture.

Pakistan faces a dilemma here:

  • Oppose normalisation and risk isolation,

Or

  • Quietly adapt to changing realities.

7. American Strategy Against China

The United States strongly supports IMEC because it serves several strategic purposes:

  • Countering China’s BRI,
  • Strengthening India as a balancing power against China,
  • Integrating Israel into regional economic structures,
  • Reducing Chinese influence in Gulf infrastructure.

Thus, IMEC is not only economic:

It is part of the wider US-China competition.

8. Limits and Challenges

Despite the hype, the corridor also faces major obstacles:

A. Gaza War and Arab-Israeli tensions

The Gaza conflict severely disrupted momentum because Israel is central to the route.

B. Enormous infrastructure costs

Rail links across the Arabian Peninsula and the Levant require massive investment.

C. Regional instability

Any conflict involving:

  • Iran,
  • Israel,
  • Red Sea shipping,
  • Saudi-Iran rivalry,
  • Could disrupt the project.

D. China’s response

China will not passively accept strategic encirclement.

Beijing may:

  • Deepen CPEC investment,
  • Strengthen ties with Iran,
  • Expand Gulf influence,
  • Reinforce maritime presence in the Indian Ocean.

9. The Bigger Historical Picture

In many ways, this is a new “Great Game” centred not on territory alone, but on:

  • Trade routes,
  • Ports,
  • Energy,
  • Digital infrastructure,
  • Supply chains,
  • Artificial intelligence,
  • Maritime chokepoints.

Three competing corridors are emerging:

Corridor

Main Power

Route

CPEC/BRI

China

China Pakistan Arabian Sea

IMEC

India-US-Gulf-Europe

India Gulf Israel Europe

INSTC

Russia-Iran-India

India Iran Russia

Pakistan sits geographically at the intersection of all these rival visions.

That gives Pakistan opportunities — but also risks of becoming an arena of great-power competition once again.

Final Assessment

The India–UAE Growth Corridor/IMEC could:

  • Weaken Pakistan’s traditional geopolitical centrality,
  • Challenge the long-term strategic value of CPEC,
  • Strengthen India’s global position,
  • Deepen Gulf-India ties,
  • Intensify strategic competition over Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan,
  • Reinforce a transition from ideological politics to geo-economics in the Muslim world.

However, much depends on:

  • Middle Eastern stability,
  • Saudi-Israeli normalisation,
  • US-China rivalry,
  • And whether IMEC moves beyond announcements into actual implementation.

At present, it remains more a strategic vision than a completed reality — but even as a vision, it is already reshaping regional geopolitics.

Friday, 22 May 2026

One Has to Try Hard to Go to Hell. People Leave Religion Because of Religious People. Dr Shabir Choudhry,

 One Has to Try Hard to Go to Hell.

People Leave Religion Because of Religious People. 

Dr Shabir Choudhry, May 2026, London


A friend once told me about a young boy who was playing football when he suddenly realised it was time to go to the mosque for his religious lesson.

Without going home to change, he ran straight to the mosque wearing his football kit.


The Imam looked at him with anger and shouted:

“Is this how you come to the house of Allah? If you come dressed like this again, Allah will send you to hell!”


The boy lowered his head in humiliation and quietly walked away.

When he reached home, his mother noticed the sadness on his face and asked what had happened.

With tearful eyes, he replied:

“The Imam Sahib said Allah will send me to hell because I went to the mosque in my football clothes.”

The mother remained silent for a few moments. Then she gently placed her hand on her son’s head and said:

“My son, Allah does not look for excuses to throw people into hell. Allah is Most Merciful. Human beings are the best of His creation.”

She continued:

“Tell the Imam Sahib tomorrow that children are not sent to hell for wearing football clothes. To go to hell, a person has to work very hard.”

Then she explained what truly hardens the human heart:

  • Killing innocent people
  • Abusing girls and boys who come to mosques to learn Islam
  • Deceiving people, especially in the name of religion
  • Spreading lies and hatred
  • Denying people their rights
  • Stealing from the weak and the poor
  • Seizing the property of orphans
  • Creating division, extremism, and violence
  • Treating neighbours with cruelty
  • Using religion to humiliate and control others

And then she said something even more powerful:


“Even after committing terrible sins, if a person sincerely repents, Allah may still forgive him. His mercy is greater than our sins.”

That mother understood Islam better than many who preach it.

A few years ago, another incident deeply moved me.

It was a Thursday evening. After Maghrib prayers, there was to be a religious lecture at the local mosque. A well-known scholar from the city had been invited to speak.

That same evening, my friend’s husband received a phone call from their son, Ahad.

Months had passed since they had last heard from him properly.

“Assalamu Alaikum, Abu…”

There was hesitation in his voice.

His father immediately sat upright.

“Wa Alaikum Assalam, son. Is everything alright?”

After a few moments of silence, Ahad quietly asked:

“If I come with you tonight to listen to the lecture… would that be okay?”

His mother later said she began to cry in the kitchen the moment she heard those words.

For years, Ahad had drifted away from religion and religious people.

He had long hair, and tattoos covered parts of his arms. Also, a small stud shone in his ear.

Late-night gatherings, motorbikes, reckless company — and behind all of it, a deep emptiness that nobody seemed willing to understand.

People in the neighbourhood had already labelled him:

“A spoiled boy.”

Whenever he passed near the mosque, some people would look at him with contempt.

“Look at today’s youth…”

“Astaghfirullah, just look at his appearance…”

But the truth was very different.

Inside, he was a soft-hearted young man who had simply lost his way.

His father warmly replied:

“Come, son. Come exactly as you are.”

Then Ahad asked a question that broke his parents’ hearts.

“What should I wear?”

It was not really a question about clothes.

It was a question born from fear. A fear of rejection.

A fear of humiliation. A fear of being told that he did not belong in the house of Allah.

His father replied softly:

“Come as you are. You do not need to become an angel before turning towards Allah.”

That night, when Ahad arrived, his mother noticed something painful.

Despite the warm weather, he was wearing a full-sleeved shirt.

He was trying to hide his tattoos.

Not from Allah.

From religious people.

During the drive to the mosque, silence filled the car.

Then Ahad quietly asked:

“Abu… what if people stare at me?”

His father paused before replying:

“My son, when someone comes to the house of Allah, it is Allah who looks at him first — not people.”

When they reached the mosque courtyard, people sat in groups talking while waiting for the lecture to begin.

Ahad sat beside an elderly man named Haris Sahib, a member of the mosque committee. He had a white beard and simple clothes. But a heart large enough to see pain beyond appearances.

A few minutes later, Haris Sahib noticed part of Ahad’s tattoo visible beneath his sleeve.

His father became nervous because he expected criticism, perhaps an unwelcome lecture. Perhaps humiliation, which was not required.

Instead, Haris Sahib smiled gently and asked:

“Did you design these yourself?”

Ahad looked surprised. “Yes”, he replied.

“You must be an artist,” Haris Sahib said warmly. “Allah has given you talent.”

That was all. Just one sentence, but sometimes a single kind sentence can bring a person back from very far away.

For the first time in years, Ahad’s father saw innocence return to his son’s face.

Then the lecture began. During the speech, the scholar suddenly said:

“Sometimes the person closest to Allah is the very person whom society considers the greatest sinner.”

Ahad slowly lifted his head and listened carefully.

Then the scholar added:

“If a broken person has finally gathered the courage to take one step towards Allah, do not push him away. Perhaps it took him years to reach this door.”

That night, Ahad quietly cried.

After the gathering ended, he sat silently in the mosque courtyard for a long time.

Then he asked his father:

“Abu… does Allah really forgive people like me?”

His father’s eyes filled with tears. He replied:

“My son, sins do not take people far away from Allah as much as hopelessness does.”

That night teaches us an important lesson.

Many people move away from religion not because they hate Allah, but because the behaviour of religious people wounds them.

A harsh word can push someone away from faith for years.

A kind word can bring someone back to Allah.

If a broken person comes towards the mosque, do not judge:

  • His hair,
  • Her clothes,
  • Their past,
  • Their tattoos,
  • Or their mistakes.

Because perhaps his mother has spent years crying in Tahajjud for his guidance.

And perhaps Allah loves that struggling soul more than those who sit in judgment over others.

Guidance enters hearts more through compassion than condemnation.

Religion without mercy becomes a prison.

But faith combined with kindness becomes a path back to Allah.