Wednesday, 31 July 2013

Azad Kashmir Government: Birth and growth, by Shams Rehman

Azad Kashmir Government:  Birth and growth

 © Shams Rehman
Officially the Kashmir day is celebrated in Azad Kashmir on 24th of October when the present government of Azad Jammu and Kashmir was arguably established. However, there is more to this story. Several independent sources including the declaration of the present AJK government itself prove beyond any doubt that another government existed before the 24th October government. The opening paragraph of the 24th Ovctober decleration reads:
“The Provisional Azad Government which the people of Kashmir had set up- a few weeks ago, with the object of ending intolerable Dogra tyrannies and securing to the people of the state, including Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, the right of the free self-government has now established its rule over a major portion of the state territory and hopes to liberate the remaining pockets of Dogra rule very soon.”[1]
The provisional Azad government refered to in the above decleration was declared on 4th October 1947 with an alias name Mr Anwar (actually Ghulam Nabi Gilkar) as president and Barriester Sardar Ibrahim Khan as Prime Minister. In his Presidential address Mr Gilkar stated:
“With the end of the British rule, the Maharaja Hari Singh’s claim to rule the state (by virtue of the Sale Deed of Amritsar) has also come to an end.”[2]
The declaration stated for the government to be an inclusive of all state people regardless of religion, region or other distinctions and also desired for friendly relations with the neighboring states of India and Pakistan.
Mr Ghulam Nabi Gilkar was a Kashmiri from the Valley who was instrumental in setting up the Reading Room Party along with Sheikh Abdullah and others which introduced new political awakening in the Valley and was later linked with similar political activism in other parts of the state, especially Jammu that initiated the mass movement of 1930s. Barrister Sardar Mohammed Ibrahim Khan of Poonch was made Prime Minister while Nazir Hussain Shah Finance Minister, Mr Faheem as agricultural Minister, Mr Aleem (meaning Knowledge) Education Minister and Mr Karkhana (meaning factory) as the Minister for industry. It is widely believed that the names of the latter two ministers like that of the president were also not their real names.
This government was reorganized on 24th October 1947just two days after the tribal invasion from Pakistani side[3]. The new government clearly acknowledged the 4th October government and adopted its declaration to be a non-communal government having friendly relations with India and Pakistan. The prime minister of the 4th October government Sardar M Ibrahim was made head of the 24th October government. He was woken up at midnight by two Pakistani ‘kingmakers’, Mr Khawaja Abdul Rahim and Ms Nasim Shah Nawaz to be appointed as president of the reconstituted government of Kashmir.[4]
I had been amongst Kashmiri who claimed that the 4th October government was an independent some would say a revolutionary Kashmiri initiative and demanded this government to be restored. However, recently the re reading of this period of Kashmiri history has illuminated some aspects of this government that are usually overlooked but need critical analysis. For example on 25th September 1947, just over a week before the decleration of the ‘Azad Kashmir’ government, a provisional government was formed for Junagarh, a Hindu majority princel state ruled by a Muslim Nawab who announced accession to Pakistan on 15th August[5] but for some reasons the government of Pakistan made that public only on 15th of September 1947.[6] Led by Samaldas Gandhi "[t]he Provisional Government of Junagadh moved to Saurashtra and took possession of the Junagadh House at Rajkot. Young men from all over Saurashtra flocked to its banner of freedom. Large sums of money flowed in, volunteers were armed and trained. On the Dessehra Day, the "Day of Victory" - October 24, 1947 - the volunteers of the Provisional Government began their operations. People rose against the Nawab's rule in several parts of Junagadh[7]."
What that had to do with the Azad Kashmir government? Well look at this account:
 “[W]hen the Government of India ousted the Nawab of Junagarh, the Government of Pakistan approached Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Ahmad of Qadiyan and authorized him to take appropriate measures with regard to Kashmir. Mirza called Gilkar to Lahore. Several rallies were held at Rattan Bagh, Lahore. Besides Gilkar the rallies were attended by Mufti Zia-ud-Din Poonchi, Chowdhury Rahim Dad advocate, Master Mir Alam Kotli, Ammanullah Khan of Khor Pattan, Professor Muhammad Ishaq Qureshi, and Syed Muhammad Abdullah Qadri. Suggestions put forth by the concerned persons were discussed threadbare and a plan of action was chalked out. It was during these meetings that the issue of forming an ad hoc Azad Kashmir government was discussed. Mufti Zia-ud-Din Poonchi was told to announce the government but he refused. Syed Muhammad Abdullah Qadri also refused. Finally, Gilkar came forward and declared the government.[8]
Another aspect of this government that deserves attention is the appointment of Sardar Ibrahim as the Prime Minister. It is officially publicised and celebrated by the New Muslim Conference that the party approved a resolution for the accession of Kashmir to Pakistan on 19th July 1947 at the residence of the same Sardar Ibrahim Khan. It is also on record thanks to Professor Ishaq Qureshi the then acting General Secretray of MC that actually the party meeting was held on 18th July 1947. Describing the background of this meeting Professor Qureshi told me in a very long interview in Oldham that with the detention of senior leadership including Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas and Allah Rakha Saghar in 1946 Choudhary Hamidullah and he (Ishaq Qureshi) were appointed as acting President and General Seceretary of Muslim Conference respectively. Subsequently, both of them went to seek advice from Quaid e Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah and met him on 11th July 1947. This according to Mr Qureshi was the first official meeting of Quaid e Azam in his capacity of Governer General of Pakistan. In that meeting Mr Jinnah advised the Kashmiri Muslim leaders to support Maharaja’s stance for independent Kashmir. The founding father of Pakistan also dictated a press release for Faiz Ahmed Faiz of the Daily Pakistan Times reiterating the Muslim League’s policy of recognising the princely states’ right to independence. On their return from British India, Professor Qureshi and Chaudhary Hamidullah called the meeting of central committee where they presented the report of their visit and informed members of the advice given by the Governer General of Pakistan.While the majority of those present agreed and approved the resolution for independent Kashmir some members including Sardar Ibrahim Khan opposed it. When I asked professor about the next day meeting at Sardar Ibrahim’s residence in Sringar and the resolution of accession to Pakistan, he said that’s all propaganda. At Sardar Ibrahim’s house there was no meeting held. Some members met in an informal capacity and agreed to work for accession to Pakistan. Even then the fact is that it is widely believed in Azad Kashmir through official propagation that a resolution for accession to Pakistan was passed in a meeting held at the residence of Saradr Ibrahim Khan on 19th July 1947. This resolution has been promoted by the Muslim Conference as the official policy of azad Kashmir government. Just two months earlier he opposed the independent Kashmir policy on 18th July 1947 and was now appointed as Prime Minister of the Provisional Government for ‘independent’ Kashmir on 4th October 1947.
I could not find any reference anywhere if Mr Ghulam Nabi Gilkar was present in those meetings of Muslim Conference on 18th and 19th July 1947 and which resolution he supported. However, if we accept the account provided by Din (2009) that when the ruler of Junagrh was ousted from his state the government of Pakistan approached Mirza Bashir and authorized him to take appropriate measures with regard to Kashmir who then called GN Gilkar over to Lahore where the idea of a provisional azad Kashmir government was discussed clearly shows the Pakistani hand in the 4th October government. However, authenticity of this reference needs further proof for which I repeatedly asked Mr Zair Ud Din if he can provide me the original source or reference rgerding this claim but not received a response as yet. Therefore this needs further exploring.
Was Mr Jinnah aware of this? Or was a parallel policy of taking Kashmir existed without the knowledge of Mr Jinnah?  The later events indicate that there was never a coherent policy of Pakistan government from the day one of their interefernce in Kashmir affairs. However, it is not in the scope of this article to indulge in a detailed analysis of that. According to Mr Ishaq Qureshi Quaid e Azam was not aware of the formation of the 4th October government, Tribal invasion or re organization of the Azad Kashmir government. In the same interview he told that Chaudhary Hameedullah and he were brought to Pakistan in late September sometime by two Pakistani officials. The full account of that interview will be published soon in a book form. Inlcuded here only what Professor Qureshi told about the role of Pakistani officials in their invasion of Kashmir in 1947. When they reached to Lahore the president Hameedullah was allowed in the high level meeting which included Chief Minister of Punjab Nawam mamdot, of NWFP Khan Qayum and several others including senior military officials.
Accordig to professor Qureshi, Ch. Hameed Ullah Khan and he did not like this split of New Muslim Conference acting president and secretary by aloowing one in and keeping the other out of the meeting and that was the second shock of our interaction with Pakistan[9]. Professor Qureshi told me that Choudhary Hameed briefed him of the meeting informing him of the invasion plan and told that I told the participants the advise Quiad e Azam gave us on 11th July but they say said forget about that and do as we tell you because they said they want to give Kashmir to Quaid e Azam as surprise.
After few moths Professor Ishaq and Ch Hameed ullah met Quaid e Azam in Karachi where according to professor Qureshi Mr Jinnah asked them annoyingly that why we caused all the mess in Kashmir despite his advice not to indulge in violence? Professor Qureshi said we did not do this. It was your Prime Minister and other top officials who staged the invasion.
Mr Qureshi told me that when I said this, Quai e Azam who was sitting on sofa upwards and leaning towards front, almost fell back against the back of sofa, closed his eyes and did not speak a word for few minutes. Then he opened his eys, sat up and asked us, can you write all this in a report and get to me within 48 hours? We produced that report and then events took over and we saw Quaid after aother few months when he was in Ziyarat in Queta but he was too week to say anything. He only smiled.
Soon we were summoned to the house of Primie Minister Khan Liaqat Ali Khan. He was laying on the kingsize dewan leaning against the round pillow and Raina Liaqat Ali Khan was waving the hand fan and they looked like a king and queen. Liaqat Ali Khan told us somewhat assertively; don’t put any burdon on Mr Jinnah anymore with all these issues. Whatever you have information you have convey that to me. The old man is too fragile.
The Prime Minister had our report in his hand marked with red underlines[10].
What was the need of this independent government when there was the independent government of Maharaja Hari Singh in existence that was supported and recognized by Mr Jinnah and Pakistan government through the standstill agreement signed between Kashmir and Pakistan governments of 12th August 1947?  Especially, when that government of Maharaja was actively introducing political reforms for a constitutional democracy? A closer look at the events of 1940s including such documents as the ‘New Kashmir’, 17th May 1947 statement and 28th May 1947 Press Confrence of Chaoudhary Hamid Ullah Khan, and the 18th July Resolution of Muslim Conference clearly point towards an understanding between the major parties and Maharaja of Kashmir a multiparty constitutional democracy with Maharaja as a figurehead. In this context there was no need for any independent government unless it was for revolution aiming to overthrow the feudal rule in the state. As is clear this government was merely to topple Maharja and presented no revolutionary programme whatsoever. If any revolutionary steps were taken in Kashmir they were taken by the National Conference led by Sheikh Abdullah who introduced land reforms which abolished the feudal system in Kashmir state before any such initiatives were teken by India’s socialist  Prime Minister PJN Nehru.
Indeed as mentioned above, if we accept the claims by such writers as Zahir Ud Din, it appears that indeed it was formed under the instructions of Pakistan government to oust Maharaja and take Kashmir like India took Junagarh. A closer look at the details of Junagarh case supports the claim made here that the Azad Kahsmir government of 4th October that was reorganized on 24th October in fact was set up by Pakistan in reaction to the provisional government iof Junagarh declared on 25th of September 1947.  Indeed it appears that this was the first of the series of covert efforts by that section of Pakistani establishment which viewed Kashmir and the wider situation through communal and feudal lenses and for whom Kashmir is pawn in their game with the Indian communalists.
It seems absurd that this government set up by few dozen people most of whom were not willing to use their real names denounced Maharaja Hari Singh as unrepresentative. While they were claiming to be representatives of the antire population of Kashmir, a little probing would reveal that they were representing only that fection of Muslim Conference which two montrhs ago opposed independence and approved the accession of Kashmir to Pakistani position. The reorganisation of this government soon after the invasion of Pakistani forces in Kashmir clearly indicates that the 4th October Kashmiri government was not as independent and revolutionary initiative as some of us have been led to believe for many years. The head of this reorganised government on 24th of October 1947 was none other than Sardar Ibrahim who was appointed according Professor Qureshi by the Commissioner of Rawalpindi Mr Rahihm.
It was the same Sardar Ibrahim who was head of AJK government on 28th April 1949 when control of Gilgit Baltistan was transferred to Pakistan and he was shown as one of the signatories to the infamous Karachi Pact. While he remained in denial of signing any such documents he was in power then and for several years after that but never challenged the Karachi Pact.
However, that is not to deny the contribution made by Sardar Ibrahim and G N Gilkar and other leaders in the political progress of people around them and in the ideology of Kahsmir’s accession to Pakistan. It also needs to be noted that despite a mysterious and fragile at birth, the Azad Kashmir government not only survived but also made some significant progress over the decades. In the beginning the Azad Kashmir government was consisted of its President and Cabinet with very little resources and administrative infrastructure. Indeed if we compare the Azad Kashmir government of Sardar Ibrahim with the Jammu Kashmir government of Sheikh Abdullah that was formed in the Indian occupied Kashmir, it appears that their political evolution took place on opposite directions in terms of their symbolic identity at least. The Jammu Kashmir government that replaced Maharaja Hari Sing’s rule following the invasion of Pakistani tribes on 22nd October and the Indian troops on 27th October inherited  continuity and a reasonably equipped and resourced material and non-material infrastructure including Sadr e Riyasat (president) Prime Minister and cabinet with proper offices and relatively better resources for carrying out governmental responsibilities. The Azad Kashmir government on the other hand was nothing more than a name and its President and cabinet had no structural, organizational and administrative resources or support available to them.  The government was fully dependent on Pakistan.
However, in the years that followed the AK government became a relatively better organised, structured and resourced body of governance although still lagging far behind the provinces of Pakistan in almost every field except the education ratio that is higher in AJK than Pakistan. While the ministries of defence and Azad Kashmir Regular Force (AKRF) were lost to Pakistan, this government did make some gains in its parliamentary structure, status and protocol. For this people like Sardar Inrahim, Sardar Abdul Qayum and Chaudhary Noor Hussain who are loathed by the younger generation of nationalists played significant role in preserving and promoting the distinct identity of Azad Kashmir. Though still a powerless legislative assembly subdued to the colonial like structure ‘Kashmir Council, the government of ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ has managed to gain some growth and stability in its structure and recognition over the past 63 years.
This government carries almost all symbols of an independent country including the president, Prime Minister, Supreme Court, National Flag and National Anthem. In this respect it is an independent government. The only ingredient missing is the power of independence. The power lies with the Pakistan government which controls Azad Kashmir through Kashmir Council, Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, Chief Secretary of the Azad Kashmir civil bureaucracy, Inspector General Police (IGP), Auditor General and Kashmir Council – all institutions are headed by the Pakistani politicians, bureaucrats and head of the Pakistani state respectively. That is not all.  The political and administrative structure that is controlled by the layers of Pakistani civil control is then monitored and controlled by a thick network of intelligence agencies spread across this 4,500 sq. miles strip of Kashmir state vertically and horizontally. That is why the Kashmiris who are aware of this control mechanism insist that this is not ‘Azad’ but ‘Ghulam’ (slave/occupied) Kashmir.
In this respect it is no different from the IOK. However, the level of violence and scale and degrees of human rights violation by the Indian forces in IOK after the current uprising in 1989 has no comparison with that of Pakistani army in POK which at present is not engaged in killing or arresting or torturing Kashmiris except some cases of sexual and economic exploitation of inhabitants around the army barracks and bullying of some nationalists. Countering this position most of the pro independence Kashmiris would argue that there were no killings in IOK before Kashmiris used weapons given by Pakistan against India in 1987 which brought Indian army out to civilian areas. If Azad Kashmiris ever challenge the Pakistani occupation like the Valley Kashmiris did to the Indian occupation, Pakistani military and civil machinary will do the same if not worse. They site the examples of 1953 Poonch Rebellion and the case of Bangladesh. The point of this argument is that India and Pakistan both are occupiers in Kashmir and both use violence and torture even kill when their occupation is challenged.
There is also no comparison in terms of resources available to the two governments. The current annual budget of Indian occupied Kashmir government is over 300 million[11] whereas of Azad Kashmir it is 47 and for Gilgit Baltistan stands at just over 15 million rupees[12].  Keep in mind the difference in value of Indian and Pakistani rupee.

[2] Din, U. Z.  (2009) Ghulam Nabi Gilkar and Kashmir Freedom Movement, available on
[3] Mehmood Hashmi, the most prominent Azad Kashmiri name in Urdu literature and author of the classic of Urdu repertoire tradition ‘Kashmir Udas Hai’ (Kashmir is sad) who was made publicity secretary for Azad Kashmir government after his escape from Indian occupied Kashmir, told this author that the date 24th October was not on which the Azad Kashmir government was actually formed. This date was chosen  long after October as the fictitious’ birthday’ of Azad Kashmir government by some senior Pakistani bureaucrats to coincide it with the United Nations Day.
[4] The Role of Azad Kashmir Government Edited by Dr Shabir Choudhary.
[6] Norani, A.G. (2001), Of Jinnah and Jonagadh, Volume 18 - Issue 21, Oct. 13 – 26 available on
[7] Op.cit.
[8] Din, U.Z. (2009) op.cit.  
[9] First was on the way to Pakistan when we were released from Kohala police post to leave the state and asked the staff where the two other men who were arrested with us are? The staff replied they said they did not know you and only gave you lift so we let them off
[10] Professor Ishaq Qureshi’s biographical interview Ali Adalat and I took about ten years ago is currently in the process of publication.

Tuesday, 30 July 2013

Violence in Kashmir will get worse

Violence in Kashmir will get worse
Dr Shabir Choudhry       31 July 2013
All the signs are that situation in Jammu and Kashmir is going to get worse, which means more violence, more political and economic instability, more hatred and more suffering for the ordinary people.

It looks that there are powerful forces which want the Kashmir pot to keep on boiling as that is in their best interest. Peace in the divided State of Jammu and Kashmir does not suit a powerful lobby that has its tentacles on both side of the divide. If peace prevails in Jammu and Kashmir it will help ordinary people, and brighten their lives; but it will make many people unemployed. Also it will have very serious impact on economic interests of very people powerful people.

In late 2013, we heard rumours (and some signals were also visible) that militancy in Kashmir will be reinvigorated in 2013 in a different style and more forcefully to make India defensive and get the message across to New Delhi that Kashmir dispute needs to be resolved. Moreover, to keep India engaged in Kashmir; and tell the world community that India does not respect human rights and continues to pursue anti Pakistan policies.

Those who wanted to start a new phase of militancy had other reasons as well. They think troubles of Pakistan related to violence and terrorism could be reduced if not totally stopped, by encouraging the Jihadi warriors to do Jihad against ‘Hindu India’ which is ‘killing Muslims’. As Jihad in Afghanistan is coming to some kind of conclusion because the NATO forces have started leaving Afghanistan; and if another Jihad front is not soon found and their energies diverted, then danger is that thousands of well - trained Jihadi warriors could create more problems for their mentors.

At one time there were tens of thousands of Pakistani trained armed militants in Jammu and Kashmir; and Indian government’s view was that they have to maintain a large number of troops to fight these militants. For the past few years militancy was really down and according to the India official sources there were only around 100 active militants in Jammu and Kashmir. Critics pointed out that despite this big change on the ground, number of the Indian troops did not change.

Critics further say the Indian policy of not resolving the Kashmir dispute has not changed either. They seem to be not interested in resolving the Kashmir dispute, as all efforts are in managing the dispute. Perhaps they are waiting for two things to happen:
1/ Pakistan to get more disorientated, weaker and dysfunctional as a nation state that it could not pose any challenge to India on Jammu and Kashmir;
 2/ and natural death of certain Kashmiri leaders, and once they disappear from the political scene it would be easier to impose some kind of solution.

There is inherent danger in this policy. It would help those forces which want a new round of militancy in Jammu and Kashmir. This will help forces of extremism, intolerance and violence to create conducive situation to spread religious intolerance and start a new round of militancy, which could be bolstered by highly trained warriors of fighting Afghanistan. This means more violence, more deaths, more destruction and more suffering for the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
Jammu and Kashmir’s Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah, in an interview last week said:

“Unfortunately, there is a vested interest in certain quarters to keep the conflict alive. One of the challenges we face as the level of violence goes down is figuring out how to deal with those people who have benefited from violence, whose career prospects have been determined by violence and who used to make money from violence.”1

Some people have made a career and a thriving business out of troubles in Jammu and Kashmir. Their business can only flourish if a certain level of violence is maintained. To boost their business they promote violence, extremism and religious intolerance. In this regard Chief Khan said, “There has been an industrialization of violence here. Those who have made their careers out of violence are worried now that it is gone.”

Muslims and non- Muslims of Jammu and Kashmir lived in peace and harmony for centuries; however a situation was created in 1990 in which Pandit Community no longer felt safe in a place where they lived all their lives. They had to abandon their homes and save their lives. Perhaps it is now turn of Muslim minorities, especially Shias who are also hunted down in Pakistan and Gilgit Baltistan and killed.

As people of Jammu and Kashmir were still mourning deaths of innocent people killed Gool, Jammu, they had to put up with sectarian violence which erupted in Budgam district of Kashmir, where Sunnis and Shia clashed with each other. In these sectarian clashes hundreds were injured, which included women and children; shops and houses were set ablaze. Some claim it was Tableeghi Jamat and Lashkar E Taiba who instigated the troubles; but others say the police had a major role in this as they wanted to divert attention from what happened in Gool. Syed Zafar Mehdi in his report titled, reigniting Kashmir wrote:

‘The trouble mongers who instigated people to attack each other had a sinister agenda, so naturally they had full backing of police. As the days passed, the tensions escalated and clashes erupted in other parts as well. Then, perhaps as a face wash, curfew was imposed in the affected areas. Despite the restrictions, the miscreants, with overt and covert support of police, still managed to wreak havoc in many areas of Budgam like Dahpora, Naslapora, Dadina, Koolipora, Pymus, Dandoosa, Paris Abad, Garend Kalan etc. The role of police has been particularly shameful. On Tuesday, people protested after an elderly woman, 58 year old Fatima Begum was hit on her head with the gun butt at Dadina, a Shia locality in Budgam.

The present Prime Minister of Pakistan Nawaz Sharif is known to be a man who wants to promote peace and generate economic activity that could benefit the entire region. For this purpose, he wants to have peace with India and Afghanistan. With India he wants to resolve all outstanding disputes; and those which could not be resolved he wants to put them on the back burner. With Afghanistan he wants to abandon decades old policy of strategic depth and let people of Afghanistan have their own government.

These policies are the correct ones, and could help Pakistan to resolve many of its problems. However, there are powerful forces that have monopoly over these policies; and it looks that they are not prepared to loosen their grip. Since Nawaz Sharif’s announcement of his policies we have witnessed growing violence and intolerance in Jammu and Kashmir and more acts of terrorism (52 acts of terrorism in 50 days) inside Pakistan. This clearly shows what is in store for Pakistan, Jammu and Kashmir and the region.

My prediction is that there will be more religiously motivated acts of violence in Jammu and Kashmir to aggravate already bad situation. It is possible that some shrine could be attacked and burnt; or some religious assembly could be fired at and innocent people killed. It is possible that the culprits could be imposters or non-Muslims to ignite religious fervour and tell the world that Muslims are not save there. If this happens it will attract jihadi warriors to Jammu and Kashmir, and that will surely bring death and destruction in Jammu and Kashmir and the region.

Nasir Saeed, a Pakistani human rights activist wrote: ‘Extremism is devouring Pakistan from within and extremists are trying to take us back to the dark ages, spreading hate and leaving their own fellow Pakistanis for dead every day. The urgent priority for Pakistan is to embrace pluralism, promote equality and harmony, and do everything it can to foster a culture of religious tolerance and religious freedom. It is either that or watch Pakistan’s slow death as a failed state’.3
Writer is a political analyst and author of many books and booklets. Also he is Director Institute of Kashmir 

Thursday, 25 July 2013

Insha Allah or In sha Allah?

Insha Allah or In sha Allah?

The phrase in sha' Allah is based upon three words and all the three words have their own individual positions in the science of nahw [syntax].
1. In is shartiyah [conditional].
2. Sha' is fi'l madhi m'aruf [active past tense verb]
3. Allah is ismu jalalah [the Exalted Name] and the doer of the action sha', according to grammatical analysis.

These three words are written separately. The conditional word in was not written jointly along with the verb, anywhere in the Arab or Ajam. They have been written separately in the Qur'an, hadith and Arabic literature contained in the books of the past fourteen centuries. But nowadays, the error of writing the conditional in jointly with the verb sha' has become widespread in the Arab and non-Arab lands. This error, contained in certain Arabic websites and careless writing ways, is spreading rapidly in non-Arab lands, especially India and Pakistan. The correct way of writing it is in sha' Allah (ان شاء الله) only. Writing it as insha' Allah (انشاء الله) is absolutely incorrect. It is necessary for every Muslim to abstain from writing in this manner because the meaning that occurs due to this way of writing is kufr [infidelity].

Qur'anic Verses:

1. وَإِنَّا إِنْ شَاء َ اللَّه لَمُہْتَدُونَ – al-Baqarah, 70
2.  وَقَالَ ادْخُلُوا مِصْرَ إِنْ شَاء َ اللَّه آَمِنِینَ –Yusuf, 99
3. قَالَ سَتَجِدُنِی إِنْ شَاء َ اللَّه صَابِرًا وَلَا أَعْصِی لَکَ أَمْرًا – al-Kahf, 69
4. سَتَجِدُنِی إِنْ شَاء َ اللَّه مِنَ الصَّالِحِینَ – al-QaSaS, 27
5. سَتَجِدُنِی إِنْ شَاء َ اللَّه مِنَ الصَّابِرِینَ – al-Safat, 102
6. لَتَدْخُلُنَّ الْمَسْجِدَ الْحَرَامَ إِنْ شَاء َ اللَّه آَمِنِینَ – al-Fath, 27

It is evident from the above-mentioned Qur'anic verses that the conditional in has been written separately from the past tense verb sha'.

Setbacks From Within in Struggle to End Kashmir’s Violence

Setbacks From Within in Struggle to End Kashmir’s Violence

Published: July 21, 2013
THATHRI, Kashmir — This tiny mountain town in Kashmir, once the site of bloody battles between militants, has returned to a quieter life, surviving on apples, walnuts and government handouts. Terraced fields are carved out of mountainsides, and locals use donkeys to help carry their loads.
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So when an unexploded grenade was found on April 28 in a pile of broken bricks outside the fortified police station here, a shudder ran through the ranks of Kashmir’s top officials.
Two years had passed since the last militant attack in the surrounding area, and officials had begun to hope that the cycle of massacres, assassinations and revenge killings that had made this corner of Indian-controlled Kashmir one of the most dangerous in the region’s long, dirty war had finally burned itself out.
Some even hoped tourists might soon be willing to brave the hair-raising switchbacks to travel here to experience its breathtaking valleys.
In the end, the police arrested one of their own, a decorated officer. And while that allayed concerns about militant-led attacks, it exacerbated fears that some people would be unable to move past the region’s violence. In this case, the officer was charged with attempted murder, accused of staging the unsuccessful grenade attack in what several officials called an effort to raise enough worries about continuing violence to win him a promotion to inspector.
Attacks in Kashmir have plunged in recent years, with the top leaders of India and Pakistan again promising better relations in the contested region. While many Kashmiris still resent India’s dominance, far fewer are willing to fight it anymore — although sporadic assaults, including a recent attack that killed eight soldiers, continue.
India has responded to the relative quiet by withdrawing the army from Srinagar — the summer capital of the Indian-controlled part of Kashmir — and some larger towns, but a vast police and paramilitary presence remains. Paramilitary killings of civilians last weekduring protests over a reported desecration of the Koran led to demonstrations across Kashmir. Nearly 100,000 police officers, meanwhile, were assigned to preventing insurgent attacks.
“Unfortunately, there is a vested interest in certain quarters to keep the conflict alive,” Omar Abdullah, Jammu and Kashmir’s chief minister, said in an interview at his official residence in Srinagar. “One of the challenges we face as the level of violence goes down is figuring out how to deal with those people who have benefited from violence, whose career prospects have been determined by violence and who used to make money from violence.”
Shiv Kumar Sharma, the arrested officer, would seem to fit that description. He rapidly moved through the ranks and earned thousands of dollars in bonuses because his bosses considered him unusually good at finding and killing militants. Former colleagues say he loved gold chains, dark sunglasses, fine clothing and the fame that his many operations brought him.
But Rashish Gupta, Officer Sharma’s lawyer, said that his client’s successes had made him vulnerable to jealous rivals on the police force and that they were framing him, a charge the police denied. “He got a name for himself and so much fame because of his good work in such a short time that many officers were jealous of him,” Mr. Gupta said.
The break in the grenade case came when an officer reported that he had seen a former militant wandering suspiciously around the police station on the morning of the attack, according to Mohammad Arif Rishu, the area’s police superintendent.
The former militant, Abdul Rashid, known as Abdullah, is one of hundreds of men who trained at militant camps in Pakistan and sneaked back into India, but instead of attacking, they surrendered themselves and their weapons. Mr. Rishu ordered the former militant’s arrest.
When the police found Mr. Rashid, he admitted that he had helped plan the grenade attack and had recruited another man to carry it out, according to Mr. Rishu and Rauf Ahmed Khan, the chief of the Thathri police. The authorities soon arrested three other members of the group who they believe were involved and said they had recovered an assault rifle, a pistol, ammunition and high-powered walkie-talkies.
The group’s efforts to create mayhem, the police said, were almost comically unsuccessful. Their initial plan was for Rafi, a 19-year-old who goes by one name, to assassinate several prominent officials, the police said. Rafi stalked his prey but was unable to pull the trigger.
“He told me, ‘I went to the places I was told to go, and I was near the people I was told to kill, but I couldn’t do it,’ ” Mr. Rishu said. “He became chicken-hearted.”
Mr. Rishu and Chief Khan said that led Mr. Rashid to recruit a second 19-year-old, who also uses one name, Altaf, to toss a grenade into the Thathri police station, a sagging two-story adobe building ringed by corrugated metal sheets and barbed wire. Altaf could not bring himself to approach the station, so he climbed to the roof of a nearby hotel and tossed the grenade from afar, but it failed to explode, the police said.
Mr. Rashid, Rafi and Altaf were charged with attempted murder, possession of illegal arms and other offenses, and they remained in custody.
But the group’s most surprising claim — according to Mr. Rishu, Chief Khan and a third top police official — was that their leader had been Officer Sharma. The two 19-year-olds said they had participated because they were each promised 50,000 rupees, or more than $800, a princely sum here.
To Mr. Rishu, the confessions appeared to be part of a larger story. He said Officer Sharma had been desperate for a promotion to inspector, which had been under consideration for some time. “He used to come to my office and ask about it,” Mr. Rishu said.
At the same time, Officer Sharma was issuing increasingly urgent warnings of militant movements in the area. Mr. Rishu said believes that Officer Sharma intended to manufacture his own militancy so his promotion would go through.
During their investigation, the police also retrieved cellphone records that Chief Khan said showed a web of connections between Officer Sharma and Mr. Rashid, the former militant.
“Sometimes they spoke for 47 minutes, sometimes 10 minutes and sometimes 5, but there were a lot of calls,” Chief Khan said.
Still, Officer Sharma’s lawyer said that proved nothing. His client, he said, was expected to keep in touch with such men because they might provide leads about active militants.
When arrested, Officer Sharma said he was being targeted by the very militant elements he had spent his career fighting, the police said.
Chief Khan quoted him as saying, “I have done a lot of things, and they’re trying to get me.”
Local representatives of the Bharatiya Janata Party, a Hindu nationalist group, have defended Officer Sharma, saying he was the victim of a conspiracy that included the ruling Indian National Congress Party.
“On the directions of their political masters, local police officers have hatched a conspiracy to implicate Shiv Kumar Sharma,” a party official, Nirmal Singh, said, according to local news media. The police said they had acted independently, and Mr. Abdullah, the region’s chief minister and part of a coalition with the Congress Party, said the arrest had been appropriate.
“There has been an industrialization of violence here,” Chief Khan said. “Those who have made their careers out of violence are worried now that it is gone.”