Video of a Kashmiri girl. Pak owes us Rs trillions in royalties. We are not a burden.
With our resources, we can help them.
Recent Pakistani narrative: All those seeking azadi are traitors. Those seeking basic rights are shar pas’nd and agents of India. https://youtu.be/b9U62knInic
Islamabad ordered the AJK government to start talks with the Action Committee? Is the Action Committee a patriot now?
The Pakistan Govt and the media have hurt our feelings and promoted hatred. Use of force and hatred will not help. If there is an agreement, who will ensure it is implemented?
Emotions of the Azad Kashmir child. Yazid k naqshe – qadm per mat chalo. These people ask for basic rights.
Find traitors and Indian agents in your own country. We are not traitors. We are patriots of Jammu and Kashmir. We seek help from Allah. https://youtu.be/QpGn1zmIM2s
The Action Committee is fighting for people's basic rights. Stop spreading hatred and allegations.
Why is silencing dissent regarded as a victory in Pakistan? Hatred will prove counterproductive. Bring back this IG and punish him for his crimes.
Energy Resources Power Without Light, Dr Shabir Choudhry
A chapter from my book, The Price of Occupation, Power to Pakistan and Darkness for Us.
There are 25 sectors of the Azad Kashmir economy; here, I am only discussing one sector.
Azad Kashmir is blessed with abundant water resources. The rivers of Neelum, Jhelum, and Poonch have the capacity to generate thousands of megawatts of electricity. Yet, despite this immense wealth, the people of Azad Kashmir continue to suffer from load-shedding, high tariffs, and underdevelopment.
How does Pakistan exploit POK?
Power Project Capacity (MW) Annual Generation (GWh)
Neelum–Jhelum Hydropower Plant: 969 MW Annual 4,630 GWH
Mangla Dam: 1,150 MW Annual 5,000 GWH
Kohala Hydropower Project: 1,124 MW. Annual 4,800 GWH
Gulpur Hydropower Plant: 102 MW Annual 465 GWH
Patrind Hydropower Plant: 150 MW Annual 632.5 GWH
Azad Pattan Hydropower Project: 700 MW Annual 3,064 GWH
New Bong Escape Hydropower Plant: 84 MW Annual 550 GWH
23 small hydro projects produce: 79.12 MW Annual 280 GWH
Total:4358.12 MW Total:19,421.5 GWH
GWh stands for Gigawatt-hour.
• 1 Watt (W) = a very small unit of power (like a tiny bulb).
• 1 Kilowatt (kW) = 1,000 Watts (e.g., a small heater).
• 1 Megawatt (MW) = 1,000 kW (e.g., a medium-sized power plant turbine).
• 1 Gigawatt (GW) = 1,000 MW (e.g., a very large power plant or several dams combined).
The “hour (h)” means it measures energy over time (not just instant power). So:
· 1 GWh = using 1 GW (Gigawatt) of power for 1 hour.
· It equals 1 million kilowatt-hours (kWh).
· A 100-watt light bulb running for 10 hours = 1 kWh.
· A small town might use a few GWh per year.
In the case of AJK: When we say Neelum–Jhelum plant produces 4,630 GWh/year, it means it generates 4.63 billion units of electricity every year (since 1 kWh = 1 “unit” on your electricity bill).
Let me put it in perspective for you:
· AJK consumption: 350 MW
· AJK production: 4358.12 MW
· Electricity stolen by Pakistan:4008.12 MW
1 megawatt=1000 Kilowatt. In total, how many units does Pakistan steal every year, and how much is it in Pakistani rupees?
6.1 How much electricity does Pakistan steal every year from Azad Kashmir?
Pakistan steals about 35.1 billion units (kWh) of electricity every year from Azad Kashmir.
At an average price of Rs. 30 per unit in Pakistan, this amounts to roughly Rs. 1.05 trillion annually. In simple language, in the sector of hydroelectric, Pakistan steals Rs 1.05 trillion annually from Azad Kashmir.
1 trillion in Urdu is 1 Kharbb per annum. The total budget of Azad Kashmir for the fiscal year 2024-2025 was RS 264 billion. 2
So, anyone can tell who feeds whom. This is just one sector or one source of the Azad Kashmiri income if we were independent and we had our own State Bank.
All the electricity generated in Azad Kashmir is automatically taken into Pakistan’s national grid because all the hydropower projects are owned and controlled by WAPDA (Water and Power Development Authority of Pakistan).
Because we are ‘Azad’, independent, Azad Kashmir itself has no independent transmission authority; the grid is integrated with Pakistan’s NTDC (National Transmission & Despatch Company).
A bitter reality is that the electricity we generate inside Azad Kashmir never comes under the Azad Kashmir government’s control. Sadly, the electricity we produce has to be bought back for local consumption. Although we produce 4358.12 MW and our consumption is 350 MW, we still suffer from long power cuts and shortages because distribution is completely under Islamabad’s control.
In other words, the so-called Azad Kashmir is an electric producer without ownership, supplying more electricity than it consumes, yet having no say in how it is used.
I hope you understand and agree with me that it is the most painful truth. Sadly, if we speak about this truth, we suffer, and are castigated as traitors, agents of foreign powers, enemies of Pakistan and enemies of Islam.
As pointed out above, Azad Kashmir is blessed with natural resources, including an immense hydropower potential (over 8,000 MW in AJK alone); yet the people of Azad Kashmir are not permitted to even produce 1 MW of electricity independently.
Every project — whether big dams like Mangla and Neelum–Jhelum or even small-scale hydropower schemes — must get approval from WAPDA (Water and Power Development Authority of Pakistan) and Islamabad.
This means control of our natural resources is with our powerful neighbour, Pakistan. The region, known as Azad Kashmir, has no control over its natural resources. Those who serve the interests of Pakistan are imposed upon us as our ‘elected leaders’, and exploitation continues unchecked.
A simple message:
Azad Kashmir produces electricity, but it does not own it. The people face shortages while their rivers irrigate the Pakistani land, and electricity produced here helps to fuel Pakistan’s industries and cities.
Urgent message. An emergency shall be declared soon, followed by annexation. Killers must be punished.
A famous loyalist, Masood Khan, shall be the new President.
Those who have killed people must not be allowed to go back. Where there was no firing, they can go back.
https://youtu.be/u963aPFdjEM
A letter to Rt Hon Yvette Cooper, Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs.
Rt Hon Yvette Cooper MP
Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs
Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office
King Charles Street
London SW1A 2AH
9 June 2026
Dear Yvette Cooper, Foreign Secretary,
Subject: Human Rights Situation in Pakistan-Administered Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan
I am writing to draw your urgent attention to the deteriorating human rights situation in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir (commonly known as Azad Jammu and Kashmir) and Gilgit-Baltistan, and to request that His Majesty's Government take a more active interest in protecting the rights and welfare of the people of these regions.
The people of Jammu and Kashmir have suffered the consequences of conflict, division, political uncertainty and external control for nearly eight decades. While international attention often focuses on developments elsewhere in the region, serious human rights concerns in the territories administered by Pakistan receive comparatively little scrutiny despite their profound impact on local populations.
Recent developments have generated widespread concern among residents and members of the Kashmiri diaspora. Reports indicate the deployment of more than 20,000 security personnel, including Rangers, Frontier Constabulary, and police units, from various parts of Pakistan. There have been allegations of excessive use of force against demonstrators, arrests of political activists, restrictions on freedom of expression, communication disruptions, limitations on independent reporting and the suppression of peaceful political activity.
As a result, lives have reportedly been lost, many people have been injured, and numerous individuals have been detained. Families continue to live under conditions of uncertainty and fear. The situation has been further aggravated by restrictions on communication, Internet blocking, and the absence of independent media access, making it difficult for the outside world to obtain a clear and impartial picture of developments on the ground.
Gilgit-Baltistan faces similar challenges. Despite its immense strategic importance and vast natural resources, many local people continue to complain of political marginalisation, inadequate constitutional protections, restrictions on genuine democratic participation and limited control over their own resources and future. There is also growing concern regarding demographic changes, land ownership issues and the long-term political status of the region.
The United Kingdom cannot entirely separate itself from these developments. The origins of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute are closely connected to the circumstances surrounding the transfer of power in 1947. Britain, therefore, carries a historical and moral responsibility to support efforts aimed at protecting human rights, democratic freedoms and peaceful conflict resolution throughout the former State of Jammu and Kashmir.
I respectfully urge His Majesty's Government to:
• Closely monitor the human rights situation in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan.
• Raise concerns with the Government of Pakistan regarding allegations of excessive force, arbitrary arrests, restrictions on freedom of expression and limitations on peaceful political activity.
• Encourage independent international human rights monitoring and reporting mechanisms.
• Support democratic reforms, transparency, accountability and the rule of law in both territories.
• Engage directly with representatives of civil society, human rights defenders and community organisations from these regions.
• Ensure that humanitarian and development assistance intended for the people of Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan reaches local communities in a transparent and accountable manner.
Many residents believe that aid allocated in their name does not always reach those for whom it is intended. There is a widespread perception that funds channelled through Islamabad or other central authorities frequently fail to address local needs adequately. For this reason, any assistance provided by the United Kingdom should, wherever possible, be independently monitored and delivered through transparent mechanisms that directly benefit local communities.
The people of Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan require international attention not because they seek confrontation, but because they seek dignity, justice, democratic representation, economic opportunity and respect for their fundamental human rights.
I would also respectfully submit that the future of Jammu and Kashmir should ultimately be determined by the people of the former State themselves and not imposed by India, Pakistan or China. Lasting peace and stability can only emerge when the voices and aspirations of the people concerned are genuinely respected.
I therefore urge the British Government to raise these matters with the relevant authorities and to use its influence to encourage respect for human rights, democratic principles and peaceful dialogue.
Thank you for your attention to this important matter. I look forward to your response.
Yours sincerely,
Dr Shabir Choudhry
Author, Political Analyst and Human Rights Advocate
London, United Kingdom.
Copies to:
· Shabana Mahmood, MP and Home Secretary,
· Imran Hussain, Chairman of the All-Parties Parliamentary Group,
· UN.org,
· Human Rights Watch,
· Amnesty International,
· Freeassembly,
· Ohchr,
· Freedomhouse,
· Aiusa.org
Jihad against the Pakistani oppression will continue. Mountbatten made Pakistan a party to the dispute.
The matter was between India and Jammu and Kashmir, and the people. We promote the flag that was the state’s flag before the illegal Pakistani attack on 22 October.
Important
Soon, an emergency could be declared in Azad Kashmir, followed by a massive oppression. After that, part two of the Washington Pact, agreed among Trump, Modi and Imran Khan, would be implemented.
Prime Minister Modi terminated the status of Jammu and Kashmir in 2019. Ladakh was separated from Jammu and Kashmir, and both regions were declared Union territories. Articles 370 and 35A were abrogated.
Pakistan did not do anything apart from issuing a statement.
It is believed that Pakistan now has to the same and declare Azad Kashmir a Federally Administered territory.
The Action Committee DOES NOT advance terrorism. Aspirations of the people must be respected.
The Pakistani elite must learn from past mistakes. We don’t want more bloodshed. Collaborators must express their loyalty to the State of Jammu and Kashmir.
UKPNP Condemns the Killing of Shahzaib Habib and Injury of Umar Nazir, Calls for Independent Investigation and Protection of Democratic Rights. Sardar Shaukat Ali Kashmiri
Is the Action Committee on the right track? The biggest problem is the absence of an airport. 12 seats, who will benefit, Pakistan or India?
JKLF Zoom Conference. Which country was supposed to withdraw troops first? Out of 5 regions, in 4 there is no support, but it is still a national movement. My party is UKPNP.
https://youtu.be/Cx_3h1TbgB8You Know He Has Been to Delhi
Shabir Choudhry, London.
True Kashmiri nationalists have never been in the good books of the Pakistani establishment. As a Kashmiri nationalist who, since my teenage days, has strongly opposed Kashmir’s accession to either India or Pakistan and consistently advocated the concept of a united and independent Kashmir, I could never expect to enjoy official favour. I have no regrets about this, because sincere adherence to this ideology was never likely to win support from those who regard it as being “against their national interest.”
Not all members of the Pakistani establishment are necessarily sincere in safeguarding Pakistan’s national interests, but I can honestly say that I have pursued the cause of an independent Kashmir with complete sincerity and dedication. This ideology has always remained very close to my heart.
My foremost responsibility is loyalty to my organisation, my ideology, and the Kashmiri nation. I am under no obligation to serve the national interests of either India or Pakistan, nor to follow their dictates. For maintaining this independent position, I have paid a price in many different forms throughout my political life.
Unlike many politicians, I have always believed in calling a spade a spade. Whenever I have had an opportunity to speak on Kashmir and explain the ideology of the JKLF, I have tried to remain clear, focused, and unequivocal. My message does not change according to the venue or audience, and that has often annoyed certain people.
Apart from advocating and lobbying for an independent Kashmir, I have also strongly criticised both India and Pakistan for their respective policies and actions in Kashmir. I have done so honestly and sincerely, both verbally and in writing. Naturally, this irritated many people on both sides. Verbal criticism has its importance, but written criticism carries greater weight and leaves a lasting record. Someone once remarked that I was “bold and foolish” in my written criticism, and perhaps that is why I ended up making a few more enemies.
A well-wisher once told me about a private gathering of Pakistanis and Kashmiris in London where Kashmir was under discussion. During the conversation, my articles and criticism of Pakistan’s Kashmir policy also became a topic of debate. A senior official from the Pakistan High Commission was present, and in an attempt to impress him, someone began criticising the JKLF and me in particular.
However, among those present was a person with moral courage and a clear conscience. In the presence of the official, he defended both the JKLF and my right to express my views. According to the account given to me, he said:
“We may criticise the JKLF and disagree with its ideology, but the fact remains that this way of thinking is gaining popularity, not only among Kashmiris but internationally as well. As far as Shabir Choudhry is concerned, I know he criticises Pakistan’s Kashmir policy, but in my opinion, much of what he says makes sense. We may dislike it, but his criticism is based on historical facts, and he has every right to express himself.”
Encouraged by this intervention, others also joined the discussion and made favourable comments about the independent school of thought. Realising that the debate might generate sympathy for the cause of an independent Kashmir, the official decided to take control of the conversation. He said:
“We are not against the JKLF or any other organisation which believes in independence. Like any other Kashmiri party, they have the right to hold their views. However, what we cannot accept is anti-Pakistan slogans and open hostility towards Pakistan. We have information that many senior pro-independence leaders are anti-Pakistan and are actively pursuing the Indian agenda. The things they say and do divert attention away from what is happening in Indian-occupied Kashmir. As far as Shabir Choudhry is concerned, we know his agenda. Why wouldn’t he write such things? You know he has been to Delhi.”
With that one remark, accompanied by a knowing smile, the entire atmosphere changed. People began discussing Indian actions in Kashmir, conspiracies against Pakistan, and other related matters. The focus shifted completely. I often think that had I been present there, I would certainly have challenged these allegations directly.
Another example illustrates how determined some people within the establishment were to discredit pro-independence Kashmiri voices.
One day, I went to my local barber in London for a haircut. He knew me well, and we would normally discuss politics and current affairs while he worked. On that particular day, however, he appeared uneasy and unusually quiet. After finishing the haircut, he hesitantly asked me to step outside because he wanted to ask something privately.
Once outside, he asked:
“Choudhry Sahib, have you been to New Delhi?”
When I asked why he wanted to know, he narrated a story very similar to the one described above. The only difference was that no official from the High Commission had been present at that gathering. Nevertheless, we all know that there are always people willing to embellish stories and spread rumours to promote a particular narrative.
I replied to the barber that our position had always been clear and unambiguous. We had the courage and moral conviction to say the same thing in London, Islamabad, and New Delhi. Yes, I had visited New Delhi in November 2000 to participate in a Peace Conference that formed part of Track Two diplomacy. The conference was jointly organised by the Islamabad-based Institute of Regional Studies and the Indian NGO International Centre for Peace Initiatives.
It was not a secret gathering. Before travelling, I discussed the matter with my colleagues in the JKLF and consulted friends outside the organisation as well. I even issued a press statement before my departure. I also discussed the contents of my speech with colleagues beforehand.
Looking back, I remain convinced that attending the conference was the correct decision. From Delhi, I travelled to Srinagar, and that visit proved to be an eye-opener in many ways, as it allowed me to hear directly from people living under those circumstances and to understand the situation first-hand.
Copies of my written speech were available in Delhi, Srinagar, and London. Anyone interested could read exactly what I had said.
I often wonder why there was so much uproar over my visit to Delhi. I was certainly not the only person to visit India. Every year, thousands of Pakistanis travel there for business, tourism, or to visit relatives. Pakistani diplomats served there for years. Journalists, artists, lawyers, and academics regularly visited each other’s countries without having their loyalty questioned.
Yet a one-week visit by a Kashmiri nationalist became a matter of controversy, despite my long record of sincere and consistent work for the Kashmiri freedom struggle. It was as if I had somehow “sold Kashmir” merely by attending a conference.
Those who make such allegations fail to understand that in this age of global communication, no one needs to travel to New Delhi to make secret deals. India and Pakistan maintain embassies and diplomatic missions across the world. If anyone genuinely wished to strike a deal, there are countless opportunities available elsewhere.
It is an open secret that some people travelled to places like Geneva or even the United States to negotiate political arrangements or secure personal advantages. Yet those individuals often escaped scrutiny, while people who refused to follow official lines became easy scapegoats.
For far too long, innocent Kashmiris and Pakistanis have been misled by propaganda, suspicion, and character assassination. This culture of labelling and defaming political opponents must come to an end. The participants of the Delhi Conference deserved honest political debate, not smear campaigns and manufactured accusations.
Email: drshabirchoudhry@gmail.com
