Wednesday, 9 April 2014

An open letter to the people of India on the Kashmir issue, Mir Waiz Umar Farooq

An open letter to the people of India on the Kashmir issue, Mir Waiz Umar Farooq
To the People of India,
Along with your votes, give your elected leadership the task of resolving the Kashmir Issue once and for all.
India’s elections have begun and you are exercising your votes to choose your new political representatives. Whoever you end up electing will be momentously placed to exercise real leadership and take the difficult decisions that are needed to shape a better course for the future of India and for peace in South Asia.
In this regard, there are two clear paths ahead, each with very different outcomes. Your newly elected representatives (those in power and those in opposition) could collectively resolve to take a bold and visionary break from the past and could work together to pursue a serious political and diplomatic effort to resolve the Kashmir issue. Alternatively, they could relinquish their collective leadership responsibilities and choose to follow the same old default policy approach that has allowed the Kashmir issue to fester for more than six decades now, placing the region on the dangerous trajectory that it is currently heading towards. Ultimately, the direction that the next elected leadership of India will take vis-à-vis the Kashmir issue largely depends on all of you — the people of India — and on how effectively you can influence and support your political leaders to do what is both possible and necessary for peace.
Not an isolated issue
We urge you to recognise that the Kashmir issue is not a peripheral or isolated one. You must understand and become seized of this important matter. In the past we made many attempts to reach out to you personally and apprise you of the Kashmir issue and the grim situation on the ground, but all these efforts were thwarted by the use of brute force and hooliganism, and on many occasions we were manhandled. The Kashmir issue continues to destroy life and obliterate the rights and aspirations of our people in Kashmir who desire only to live free, peaceful and dignified lives. The continuation of this tragic conflict is also a direct threat to your interests and well-being as a people. In one way or another, this tragic conflict directly affects all the other issues that are currently being discussed and debated in the election season in India. You have a direct stake in seeing that a just and lasting resolution of the Kashmir issue is reached. The conflict is not only a threat to millions of Kashmiris, it is a serious hazard for the one billion-plus population of India and for the population of the entire region. There is no better time than now to press your representatives to exercise their leadership to resolve the Kashmir issue.
A peaceful solution to the Kashmir issue would unleash immense prosperity and economic benefits for India and for the entire South Asia Region. Unfortunately, rather than pursuing a political solution in Kashmir, successive governments in New Delhi have continued to waste your taxes and precious economic resources to pursue a militaristic policy on Kashmir. At huge economic and human cost, this approach represents a failed policy. It has only ended up deepening the conflict. Today, it should be a matter of great concern to all of you that India ranks 136 in the UN Human Development Index (HDI), but has distinguished itself as the world’s largest importer of arms by a huge margin. While India’s economic growth has slowed in the last few years, arms imports have increased by a phenomenal 111 per cent in the past five years. This is draining your economy, while filling the coffers of other countries that are benefiting as arms exporters.
Indeed, the Kashmir conflict is a direct threat to your prosperity. With more than 800 million people in India still living on less than $2 (Rs. 120) a day, surely the estimated $37-47 billion a year that goes as military expenditure (which is 2 to 2.5 per cent of GDP) could be put to much better use towards initiatives to lift more and more people out of poverty. If the Kashmir issue is resolved, not only would this costly arms race come to an end, it would open up the multipliers of economic cooperation and trade. Certainly, ensuring lasting peace and stability is the greatest foundation for your future prosperity, economic growth and development.
You must ask your leaders why after so many decades, military approaches have failed to resolve the Kashmir issue. Today, this conflict is a direct threat to the security and stability of the entire region. It is the main driver of militarisation and regional instability, and there is every possibility that the situation could escalate and worsen in the coming years. If the Government of India continues to avoid a political solution to the conflict, if it insists on the continuation of the same unjust and hegemonic approaches, it will spell disaster for the region. This beaten path has already proved to be a policy failure long back. Delaying a political solution has made the situation more insecure and unstable, and the conflict has only become more dangerous with time.
http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_left_1832862a.png Today, Kashmir stands as a potential nuclear flashpoint which could consume the lives of millions of people in an instant. http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_right_1832863a.png
Engaging in a costly nuclear and conventional arms race with Pakistan and continuing to pursue militaristic approaches in Kashmir will only add to these dangers. You must ask your leaders whether these approaches are truly serving your interests. Allowing a dangerous political conflict like Kashmir to fester is no way to ensure the security of the Indian people, nor can it be a path to a stable future for the region. The Kashmir issue continues to keep all the parties bogged down in a state of perpetual hostility and distrust. In this way, conflict has become the biggest security threat to the region.
Not only is the continuation of the Kashmir issue a direct threat to your economic prosperity and security, we believe that you have a real moral stake in not letting your government continue to pursue what is a failed and unjust policy towards Kashmir. Kashmiris have legitimate rights and aspirations. Attempting to suppress the emotions and aspirations of millions of people by force is no way to address a political conflict. Widespread human rights abuses have taken place and grave injustices have been carried out against our people. Crushing the democratic right to protest and express political dissent, restricting free speech, persecuting entire sections of the population, foisting black laws and continuing to keep hundreds of thousands of military forces deployed for decades on end in Kashmir – surely this represents both a moral and political failure. There has to be an end to all of this.
Please put yourselves in the shoes of our people and try to see the conflict through their eyes. Talk to any common Kashmiri and he or she can share with you the direct pain, injustice and indignity that people continue to suffer as a result of the conflict. Surely, you have a direct moral stake in ensuring that your government takes the higher road on Kashmir towards peace. Kashmir is a human issue and it requires a political solution.
Path of statesmanship
For the sake of our children, we urgently need to resolve this dispute. Instead of a festering quagmire, we should hand over to our youth a chance to shape a peaceful, hopeful and prosperous future — for all parties concerned — for the people of Jammu and Kashmir, India, and Pakistan. We believe that every party must put forward serious efforts to resolve the conflict. For peace, many barriers and obstacles will have to be overcome. Furthermore, any lasting solution must be a just one, and that necessarily means recognising and upholding the Kashmiri people’s aspirations and right to self-determination. In this regard, we are seeking only what is due to the people of Jammu and Kashmir as a matter of legal, moral, and historical right. The solution will have to be acceptable to all parties – India, Pakistan and the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
For long, we have hoped that India’s leaders would tread precisely this type of an approach — the path of statesmanship. We expected that your Prime Ministers would take bold decisions that would go against conventional thinking to break the status quo and resolve the Kashmir issue.
http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_left_1832862a.png At various moments, both Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh gave us some reason to believe that an honourable and lasting solution could be achieved. http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_right_1832863a.png
It was Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee who went to Lahore and declared from the base of Minar-e-Pakistan: “It is my dream and wish to resolve the Kashmir issue.” It was also Mr. Vajpayee who spoke of holding unconditional talks under the ambit of Insaniyat and vowed that India "shall not traverse solely on the beaten track of the past.” He proclaimed that India’s leadership would act as “bold and innovative designers of a future architecture of peace and prosperity for the entire South Asian region." Similarly, on many occasions, in 2004 and again in 2006 from Amritsar, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh talked quite boldly about engaging in an irreversible process of dialogue to reach a political solution on Kashmir.
Period of uncertainty
Unfortunately, these visions could not materialise and the attempts were not sustained. For the people of Jammu and Kashmir, the first decade and a half of this century has only been one of continued uncertainty, human misery, unfulfilled promises, false hopes and failed efforts to resolve the Kashmir issue. Failure has bred cynicism and destroyed hope in Kashmir. The good intentions of your Prime Ministers aside, we regret that the peace initiatives proved to be too fragile and the process too vulnerable. Ultimately, these attempts were reversible. They failed to yield visible results and no progress was achieved towards addressing the underlying realities of the Kashmir issue. As a result, many in Kashmir have concluded that the Government of India is not sincere and has no desire to resolve the Kashmir issue. Today, many people are questioning whether the political path of dialogue and negotiation is the best way to seek their rights and ensure justice.
The Kashmir issue is where it has always been – unresolved and causing great harm, suffering and cost to all. Today, all of us continue to be held hostage to the past. In this regard, we must accept the fact that domestic politics in India has played a disabling role. It has held back leadership and statesmanship in India.
http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_left_1832862a.png Whenever parties find themselves out of power and in opposition they have tended to take hardline approaches on Kashmir. When ruling governments face domestic opposition, they become unable or unwilling to do what is necessary for peace. http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_right_1832863a.png
Worse still, sitting governments even take hardline actions themselves that worsen the situation.
Observing all this, Kashmiris have now realised that it is not at all possible to expect any sitting Prime Minister in India (irrespective of the party they come from) to pursue peace on their own. Individual political will and personal determination have not been enough to move the process forward. Therefore, in order to resolve the Kashmir issue, your elected Prime Ministers need the consistent support of the opposition parties and they also need active support from all of you – the people of India.
Therefore, as citizens of India you have a vital role to play for peace in the region. Ultimately, visionary leadership and statesmanship in India will be enabled by your public wisdom and from your active support for peace. Whoever you vote for and whoever ends up forming the next government or sitting in the opposition, you must hold them accountable on the Kashmir issue. You must convince your elected leaders that the time has come to develop a peace process on Kashmir that is immune to domestic politics and power tussles.
The entire region is waiting for India to come forward for peace. There is already a broad political consensus in Jammu and Kashmir and in Pakistan that the Kashmir issue must be amicably resolved. Similarly, you must ask your leaders to develop a political consensus to resolve the issue. Let finding a solution to the Kashmir issue become a goal of all the parties to it.
In this direction, it is our sincere hope that you will raise your voices. You must press the elected leadership to rise above domestic politics and work towards India’s strategic and moral interests. Through your resounding support for safeguarding India’s interests in peace, prosperity and security and through your vocal support for justice, you can make a real impact.
http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_left_1832862a.png We hope that after the current election, those who are elected to power and those who are in opposition will all act in greater unison to move forward towards resolving the Kashmir issue. http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/01832/quote_right_1832863a.png
There must be a serious, result-oriented and time-bound process of dialogue between the leadership of India and Pakistan, and of Jammu and Kashmir.
Let this process start sooner rather than later. Over an intensive period of one year, let all of the parties engage actively with one another. Let each party seriously consider whether they can find partners to end this conflict once and for all. We must all try our best and exhaust the possibilities to seek a peaceful solution. Perhaps together we will be able to find some way to take a historic step forward towards a real peace process.
We remain ready and willing to contribute positively and constructively towards this achievement.
Sincerely,
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq
Chairman, All Parties Hurriyat Conference


IGP Azad Kashmir loses cool at press conference

Published 2014-04-09 08:03:25
MUZAFFARABAD: Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) Inspector General of Police (IGP) Malik Khuda Bakhash Awan had to eat his words at a press conference here on Tuesday, after terming as personal a question about the murder of a woman who had been struggling to bring killers of her seven family members to justice.
The IGP had called a press conference to harp on about the measures police were taking to maintain law and order in the region.
However, when a journalist drew his attention towards Friday’s murder of a woman named Noshin Raja in Mirpur, who had met him in December last year and also the prime minister to apprise them of threats to her life and seek security, he (IGP) lost his cool.
“You have become personalised… She is not the only one in the world (to have been murdered). They had enmities and murders were committed from both sides. I am not much aware about this case. If you have a personal interest, then it’s something else,” responded the IGP.
However, as it was not enough, shortly afterwards, the IGP again hit out at the journalists, apparently because two of them were whispering.
“You should maintain discipline in your ranks as well. If you don’t want to listen, I am not eager either to speak (to you),” he said. On this, the journalists rose to their seats to leave the press conference, maintaining that they had come to cover concrete information and ask questions, and not to suffer insult.
“When people begging security of life would be killed, we would ask questions and this in no way amounted to being personal. We are journalists not constables,” a journalist told the IGP. Sensing the anger of the journalists, Mr Awan changed his tone and offered apologies to mediapersons.
“Please be seated. I offer apologies to you all,” he said, adding that he did not have any intention to annoy or offend anyone. “You all are wise persons and I am also IGP. When I have offered apology to you all, this issue should end here.”
Meanwhile, DIG (HQ) Dr Liaquat Ali also persuaded the journalists to sit in order to resume the press conference.
Later, the IGP said he wanted to put it on record that the major focus of his press conference was the murder of Noshin Raja and its investigations should be held on scientific basis.
“If someone from you (media) could volunteer himself, we will update him on the progress of this case. We will take personal interest in this case.”
“It’s a heinous crime and you have a right to ask me about its progress after a week.” He also vowed to cross check the investigations by Mirpur police through another team from here.


Monday, 7 April 2014

Watch Speakers Corner - Kashmiri struggle: Role of British Kashmiri politicians

Watch Speakers Corner - Kashmiri struggle: Role of British Kashmiri politicians
Guests are:
1/ Councillor Ansar Ali Khan, Labour Candidate for European Parliament
2/ Councillor Mohammed Saghir Rajpoot, Labour, Nottingham City Council
Part 1
Part 2

Saturday, 5 April 2014

Pakistan gets funds to build dam in Gilgit Baltistan - France provides 61mn euros to Pakistan for two hydropower projects

ISLAMABAD: France has granted Euro 61 million (Rs. 8.5 Billion) funding for two hydropower projects in Pakistan.
The two projects were Mohmand hydropower project (740 MW) located in Mohmand agency, KPK and harpo hydropower project (35 mw) in the Gilgit-Baltistan, Skardu region.
Agreement to this effect was signed by Ms. Nargis Sethi, Secretary of Economic Affairs Division (EAD) and Philippe Thiebaud, Ambassador of France to Pakistan, and Denis CASSAT, Country Director of the French Development Agency (AFD), under the Credit Facility Agreements (CFAs) for the establishment of Pakistan 02 Hydropower projects.
This financing aims at completing the 02 hydropower projects with a total capacity to produce 785 MW in the country, a statement issued by the French Embassy Islamabad said on Wednesday.
The Mohmand / Munda Hydropower project (740 MW) is located in the MOHMAND AGENCY, of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK).
The Phase- I of the project being financed by AFD will enable the Government of Pakistan to complete the detailed engineering design, preparatory works and financial closure for construction of the project.
The Harpo hydropower project (35 MW) located in the Gilgit-Baltistan, Skardu region will enable the Government of Pakistan to meet the future demand of the region and also to establish the local distribution and transmission network which will benefit the local community to get the uninterrupted power supply.
This project is being financed with German Government and KFW.
These projects upon completion will ensure adaptation of climate change (droughts and floods) in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa especially in the Peshawar and Noshawara region, improve the resilience, safety and profitability of hydropower projects,besides these projects France, through AFD, contributes to address the current national energy crisis and emerges as a major contributor, in line with the pledge made by the French Government at the Tokyo Conference in April 2009 (i.e. 300 millions Euros in the energy and water sectors - currently committed at 93% i.e. 280 Million Euros).
The AFD is also supporting the development of renewable energies in order to improve the power supply in Pakistan.
The three projects currently being developed are Jabban Hydropower Project (22 MW run-of-river hydroelectric power plant near Dargi, KPK, 26.5 million Euros), Jaggran II hydropower projects (48 MW run-of-river hydroelectric power plant on the Jaggran river, Neelum Valley, AJK , 68 million Euros) and Hydropower Training Institute (HPTI) at Mangla (Grant of 2.5 million Euros to establish centre of excellence for hydropower in Pakistan).
In addition, to reduce the power demand and improve energy efficiency, AFD is also co-financing with the Asian Development Bank a programme on energy efficiency in the domestic and industrial sectors.
For future, AFD is also working with Pakistani authorities and is exploring additional potential projects to fund the rehabilitation or the extension of hydropower plants in various places in association with Water & Power Development Authority (WAPDA) and provincial operators like Power Development Organization (PDO) - AJK, Pakhtunkhwa Hydel Development Organization (PHYDO), KPK, etc.


Wednesday, 2 April 2014

WHY PAKISTAN CANNOT DEFEAT THE TALIBAN, by Sushant Sareen

WHY PAKISTAN CANNOT DEFEAT THE TALIBAN, by Sushant Sareen
Is Pakistan fighting a losing war against the Islamists? It would appear so given the sort of confusion in the country about what this war is all about. There is also a lack of clarity on what is desirable (reconciling and reintegrating the Taliban, entering into a negotiated settlement the terms and conditions of which remain an enigma, or even an elimination and extermination of the Pakistani Taliban) and whether this is theoretically, let alone practically, possible. Then there is the nagging doubt about how much of what is achievable will be sustainable. Compounding to the problem are the multiple and often contradictory objectives (internal and external, tactical and strategic) which different agencies and organs of state seem to be pursuing. Worse still no one seems to have a clear idea on how to obtain these objectives, which is leading to state entities working at cross-purposes. The Taliban also have their internecine conflicts, turf wars, ego clashes and differences over tactics, for instance, on whether or not to talk with the Pakistani state. But despite this, they all are working (and killing) towards a common objective in pursuit of their ‘grand idea’ of grabbing power and imposing their brand of Islam, first in Afghanistan and Pakistan and eventually in rest of the world. The Pakistani state and society, on the other hand, is split on who or what is the enemy, where it wants to go and how it wants to get there.
Shortly after the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai, the then ISI chief, Lt Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha declared Pakistan’s then enemy no. 1, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) chief Baitullah Mehsud, a loyal and patriotic Pakistani. The message that Pasha was sending was clear: in the event of hostilities breaking out with India (the eternal enemy!), he expected Mehsud to throw in his weight behind the Pakistan Army. This was almost as though the Pakistan army had more confidence in the TTPs fanatics than on its own firepower in taking on India.
The current Interior Minister, Chaudhry Nisar, who is trying to take on the mantle of security czar and chief peacemaker rolled into one, took a leaf out of Pasha’s book when he declared in the National Assembly that ‘a clear majority of the Taliban were not enemies of the country…most Taliban groups had no animosity to the state of Pakistan’ and that the elements that were targeting the state were doing to at the behest of foreign agencies (read CIA, RAW and Mossad). 1 Amazingly, just days before he gave the Taliban a certificate of patriotism, Chaudhry Nisar had triumphantly unveiled the National Internal Security Policy to stem the tide of terrorism and Talibanisation in the country.
Surely there is something seriously wrong. In a country where the government spends nearly nine months to come up with a policy document to fight terrorists responsible for the deaths of nearly 50,000 people, and yet the man who makes the policy doesn’t consider these terrorists enemies of the country! Of course, this comes as no surprise in a country where TTPs denials of involvement in an attack readily lapped up even though their fingerprints and footprints are clear in the involvement. Instead of condemning terror and demanding action against the perpetrators, politicians and religious leaders blame the government for its lapses and its inability to make peace with the terrorists. It is also a country where politicians and ministers in charge of the security policy are so terrified of coming into the cross-hairs of the terrorists that they are reported to be sending messages to the TTP about how they have carefully avoided saying anything against the Taliban. In these messages these leaders have washed their hands off the air strikes which they have explained as being ordered by the army in retaliation to TTP attacks, and have pleaded with the TTP to announce a ceasefire so that they could push ahead with a dialogue with them. From this it should be quite clear how this ‘phony war’ is being fought and why it can’t be won.2
It isn’t just the politicians who are playing both sides of the game. The military hasn’t quite been able to make up its mind on whether the Taliban and other sundry jihadists are assets or unacceptable liabilities. There is a significant section within the army that isn’t ready to make a clean break with the radical Islamists just yet. This section continues to attach utility to the jihadists for achieving objectives in both Afghanistan and India. They would like nothing better than to isolate and eliminate only those Islamists who are not willing to dance to the tunes of the GHQ in Rawalpindi and then continue their joint venture with the other radical groups. In other words, the Pakistan army has no real ideological or cultural problem with the Taliban/Al Qaeda combine per se; it only has a problem with that segment of the Islamist conglomerate that is targeting them. Jihad after all has been one of the mottos of the Pakistan army and jihadists like the notorious Fazlur Rehman Khalil of the Harkatul Ansar and Harkat-ul-Mujahideen infamy are still used to act as intermediaries.
The trouble is that as the Islamists become stronger, more autonomous and less dependent on the Pakistani Army and its ‘agencies’ and as they expand their area of operation and influence, the segment that is willing to follow the GHQs line is becoming smaller by the day. Even as Pakistan becomes weaker because the ‘war of thousand cuts’ it inflicted upon its neighbours has now started making more cuts in Pakistan, the army is now caught in a terrible bind. If it continues to flirt with the Taliban, the latter will continue to gain in strength. On the other hand, if the army has realised its monumental mistake of backing the Taliban in the fond belief that they stand the best guarantee of a friendly Afghanistan not becoming India’s playground, then they might be in even greater trouble because undoing this mistake will involve a complete overhaul of practically every aspect of Pakistani national life and narrative. That in a country that is deeply divided is almost a mission impossible.
Notwithstanding the usual bombast of the top-brass about how they can clean up the terror in the North Waziristan Agency (NWA) within a matter of days and weeks, things are not looking good. Although many people claim that the Taliban announced a ceasefire as a result of the aerial bombing on terrorist hideouts in NWA and other Tribal Agencies in FATA and some areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the Taliban don’t seem to have suffered any major loss of commanders, cadres or capability as a result of these bombing runs. In any case, conquering NWA is the easy part; the tough part is to bring the peace and establish the writ of the government, and on this there are no clear answers. As for establishing the writ, even though the Taliban have no visible presence in a city like Lahore, one letter from them to traders is enough to ensure a bonfire of all pornographic CDs, something that all the laws and police could not manage ever.
The simple truth that has eluded Pakistan is that fighting the Taliban is like fighting a shadow. The Taliban are but a symptom, admittedly a malignant one. The real problem is of religious extremism which is manifesting itself in radical Islamism and has struck deep roots in state and society. But instead of doing something about this fundamental issue, the Pakistanis are busy hiding behind the fiction of the nebulous ‘third force’ which they claim is standing between them and their brethren, the Taliban. With such a self-defeating approach, how can Pakistan ever defeat the Taliban?
Views expressed are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IDSA or of the Government of India.
1. Majority of Taliban not anti-state: Nisar”, The News International 7-3-2014
2. Khaufzada Hukumranon Ke Khufia Ijlas by Rauf Klasra in Dunya 28-2-2014
Originally published by Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (www.idsa.in) athttp://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/WhyPakistancannotdefeattheTaliban_ssareen_100314


Three surprises from a visit to Kashmir, by Owen Bennett Jones

Three surprises from a visit to Kashmir, by Owen Bennett Jones
Anyone who has visited Pakistan will have consumed more than their fair share of news - or perhaps propaganda - about Kashmir. And after 15 years of travel to the country I know the Pakistani version of the Kashmir story backwards.
But now, after my first trip to the Indian side of the Line of Control, I have had the chance to reach my own conclusions about what's going on in Indian-administered Kashmir.
For the uninitiated, a brief history. When the British left the subcontinent in 1947 the status of Kashmir was unresolved. To cut a very long and contested story short, the Hindu Maharaja or King of Kashmir decided his Muslim majority state would join up not with Pakistan but India. The dispute has led to wars and today Pakistan has around one-third of Kashmir and India two-thirds, including the Muslim majority, and intensely politicised, Kashmir Valley.
Time has not healed the wounds. To keep control India has to deploy as many as 400,000 security personnel. Although all the numbers relating to Kashmir are keenly disputed it is probably fair to say that as many as 100,000 people have been killed in the struggle between Kashmiris and the Indian state.
That's the history - what's happening today? If you listen to the Pakistani version then India is repressing the aspirations of the Kashmiri people to join Pakistan or perhaps become independent. If you listen to India, it is defending its territory against jihadi militants sent over the Line of Control by a malevolent Pakistani security apparatus.
I arrived in Kashmir with a planeload of Indian tourists. They see a beautiful place. Kashmiri businessmen give them a warm welcome. If they should stray beyond the tourist hotspots then the Indian soldiers on patrol are, for them, a reassuring presence. But for the most part their holidays are untouched by the political conflict. The only minor inconvenience they will experience is that many of their mobile phones don't work in Kashmir. The Indian state wants to know exactly what people in Kashmir are saying.
Which is one reason why the Kashmiri perspective on life in Kashmir is quite different to that of the tourists. Kashmiris have learnt to live with both political violence and the Indian intelligence agencies. If you are talking politics in a café in Srinagar and a stranger sits at the next table - you stop talking. If a foreign journalist asks you how many people in the Kashmir Valley support union with Pakistan, off the record you say 25% but on the record you adjust the number down to 10%.
The Indian army has been in Kashmir so long, and it has been given such huge resources, that it now has a very tight grip on Kashmiri society. The militants - rumour has it there now just around 100 in the Kashmir Valley - are up against an army that not only monitors all communications but also has a well-developed network of paid informers and that has got to know every nook and cranny of Kashmir.
So what has surprised me about Indian-administered Kashmir? Three things.
First I had no idea how sharply reduced the insurgency is. For more than 20 years - as Pakistani TV showed at great length - there was intense violent conflict between separatists and the Indian army. There are still clashes today but so few that it is now possible to walk through Srinagar after sunset in relative safety. There are now more checkpoints in Peshawar or even Islamabad than in Srinagar
Secondly, the Indian state has been remarkably unsuccessful in winning over the residents of the Kashmir Valley. Even the pro-India National Conference seems to accept Indian a rule as an unavoidable reality rather than a desired outcome. Whether they come from political traditions that look to Delhi or to Islamabad there are very few residents of the Kashmir Valley who would not embrace independence with relief and enthusiasm.
Many students in Srinagar are adamant: Indian rule is oppressive and they are willing, if necessary, to live their whole lives in resistance.
And the third surprise? I have often read that Kashmir has an unusually tolerant political culture. Given the levels of violence and division it seems an implausible claim. But I have never been anywhere where people are so tolerant of each other's different political positions and religious beliefs. Just think of the genuine anger felt by liberals and conservatives about the relatively minor issues that define the political divide in the United States. Well in Kashmir you can hear a fairly hardline separatist describe the Indian army chief in Kashmir as a nice man.
Many Kashmiris disagree with each other. But for the most part they do so with grace and goodwill.
It's an approach that is, in part, a survival strategy. Everyone knows India is unlikely to make any compromises over Kashmir for the foreseeable future. While a post-imperial power such as the UK is willing to offer an independence referendum to the Scots, emerging powers don't give up territory. If there is the slightest chance that the Kashmiris would opt for independence, then they won't be given a vote on it.
When discussing Kashmir Western diplomats tend to raise their eyebrows and make some rather lame joke about how complicated it all is. I've always found it to be a highly irritating attitude. Kashmir remains one of the world's most intractable and important disputes which has blighted millions of lives.
And there's one thing about the dispute that didn't come as a surprise. There's no end in sight.
You can hear more from Owen Bennett-Jones on Newshour at 1300GMT on 2 April 2014


This is what Prof Nazir Anjum said on the tibal invasion of 1947 - Chakswari AJK 15/09/12

This is what Prof Nazir Anjum said on the tibal invasion of 1947 - Chakswari AJK 15/09/12
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5pidcfFerKE