Friday, 13 November 2015

China to back Pakistan in ensuring security of $46 billion economic corridor project

China to back Pakistan in ensuring security of $46 billion economic corridor project


Islamabad: China will support Pakistan in ensuring the security of the ambitious USD 46 billion economic corridor project that aims to directly link the Communist giant to the Arabian Sea via the strategic port of Gwadar, China's highest ranking defence official has said.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a special economic project giving Beijing greater access to the Middle East, Africa and Europe through Pakistan's Gwadar port.
Under the project, Pakistan's Gwadar port city will get linked to China's Kashgar city in Xinjiang through a network of roads and oil pipelines.

"We look forward to close cooperation with Pakistan side to ensure proper management and security of CPEC," Fan Changlong, vice chairman of China's Central Military Commission, told Pakistan Army chief Raheel Sharif.
In his meeting with Gen Sharif at General Headquarters on Thursday, Fan said,

"China deeply appreciates the determination of Pakistan Army in counter terrorism and the successful operation in various fields."
Terming the CPEC equally beneficial to both China and Pakistan, Fan said the two countries are committed to its continuous process and success.
He said of efforts by Pakistan Army in safeguarding CPEC security are highly appreciated.

Fan said Pakistan has rendered huge sacrifices in the war against terrorism.
"China values the efforts of Pakistan Army in fighting East Turkistan Islamic Movement," he was quoted as saying by the military.

Highlighting Pak-China defence and security cooperation, Fan said, "China and Pakistan are the best iron brothers, good friends and strategic partners."
He also said that the mutually supportive cooperation in the field of defence is a critical factor in maintaining peace and stability in the region.
Welcoming Fan to Pakistan, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said that the friendship with China is the cornerstone of his country's foreign policy as both the countries enjoy unparallelled ties in the contemporary world.

According to an official statement, the Prime Minister emphasised the time-tested friendship between the two countries.

"General Fan Changlong appreciated Pakistan's role in its fight against terrorism and added that both countries share common view on combating the evil of terrorism and extremism," the statement said.
The top Chinese military official is visiting Pakistan on Pakistan Army's invitation. He is also expected to visit India.
PTI


Thursday, 12 November 2015

Modi speech in British Parliament 12 Nov 2015

Modi speech in British Parliament 12 Nov 2015
Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed the British Parliament on Thursday as a part of the three-day visit to UK focused on trade deals and connecting with the diaspora. Following is the full text of PM Modi’s address to British parliament:
Lord Speaker,
Mr. Speaker,
Mr. Prime Minister

I am delighted to be in London. Even in this globalised world, London is still the standard for our times. The city has embraced the world’s diversity and represents the finest in human achievements. And, I am truly honoured to speak in the British Parliament.

Mr. Speaker, thank you for opening the doors to us, here in this magnificent setting of the Royal Court. I know that the Parliament is not in Session. Prime Minister Cameron looks relaxed and relieved.

But, I want to remind you, Mr. Prime Minister, that you owe me royalty for an election slogan. I know that you are hosting me at the Chequers this evening. But, I also know that you will understand if I am fair to both sides of the floor. Especially since British MPs of Indian Origin are evenly balanced between the Treasury and the Opposition benches. So, I also extend my good wishes to the Labour. Indeed, since these are still early days after the election, my warm congratulations to the Members of the House. And, greetings to the eminent leaders of Britain and great friends of India present here today.

So much of the modern history of India is linked to this building. So much history looms across our relationship. There are others who have spoken forcefully on the debts and dues of history. I will only say that many freedom fighters of India found their calling in the institutions of Britain. And, many makers of modern India, including several of my distinguished predecessors, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Dr. Manmohan Singh, passed through their doors.

There are many things on which it is hard to tell anymore if they are British or Indian: The Jaguar or the Scotland Yard, for example. The Brooke Bond tea or my friend late Lord Ghulam Nun’s curry. And, our strongest debates are whether the Lord’s pitch swings unfairly or the wicket at Eden Gardens cracks too early. And, we love the Bhangra rap from London just as you like the English novel from India.

On the way to this event, Prime Minister Cameron and I paid homage to Mahatma Gandhi outside the Parliament. I was reminded of a question I was asked on a tour abroad. How is it that the statue of Gandhi stands outside the British Parliament? To that question, my answer is: The British are wise enough to recognise his greatness; Indians are generous enough to share him; we are both fortunate enough to have been touched by his life and mission; and, we are both smart enough to use the strengths of our connected histories to power the future of our relationship.

So, I stand here today, not as a visiting Head of Government, given the honour to speak in this temple of democracy. I am here as a representative of a fellow institution and a shared tradition.
And, tomorrow, Prime Minister and I will be at the Wembley. Even in India, every young footballer wants to bend it like Beckham. Wembley will be a celebration of one-half-million threads of life that bind us; one and half million people – proud of their heritage in India; proud of their home in Britain.

It will be an expression of joy for all that we share: values, institutions, political system, sports, culture and art. And, it will be a recognition of our vibrant partnerships and a shared future.

The United Kingdom is the third largest investor in India behind Singapore and Mauritius. India is the third largest source of Foreign Direct Investment projects in the United Kingdom. Indians invest more in Britain than in the rest of European Union combined. It is not because they want to save on interpretation costs, but because they find an environment that is welcoming and familiar.

It takes an Indian icon, Tata, to run a British icon and become your nation’s largest private sector employer.

The UK remains a preferred destination for Indian students. And, I am pleased that an Indian company is taking a thousand British students to India to skill them in Information Technology.

We are working together in the most advanced areas of science and technology. We are finding solutions to the enduring human problems of food and health security, and seeking answers to emerging challenges like climate change.

Our security agencies work together so that our children return home safe and our increasingly networked lives are not prey to the threats on cyber space.

Our Armed Forces exercise with each other, so that they can stand more strongly for the values we represent. This year alone, we have had three exercises together.
And, in the international arena, your support has made it more possible for India to take her rightful place in global institutions and regimes. And, it has helped us both advance our common interests.

Mr. Speaker,
Strong as our partnership is, for a relationship such as ours, we must set higher ambitions. We are two democracies; two strong economies; and, two innovative societies.

We have the comfort of familiarity and the experience of a long partnership. Britain’s resurgence is impressive. Its influence on the future of the global economy remains strong.

And, Mr. Speaker, India is new bright spot of hope and opportunity for the world. It is not just the universal judgment of international institutions. It is not just the logic of numbers: a nation of 1.25 billion people with 800 million under the age of 35 years.
This optimism comes from the energy and enterprise of our youth; eager for change and confident of achieving it. It is the result of bold and sustained measures to reform our laws, policies, institutions and processes.
We are igniting the engines of our manufacturing sector; making our farms more productive and more resilient; making our services more innovative and efficient; moving with urgency on building global skills for our youth; creating a revolution in Startup enterprises; and, building the next generation infrastructure that will have a light footprint on the Earth.

Our momentum comes not just from the growth we pursue, but from the transformation that we seek in the quality of life for every citizen.

Much of India that we dream of still lies ahead of us: housing, power, water and sanitation for all; bank accounts and insurance for every citizen; connected and prosperous villages; and, smart and sustainable cities. These are goals with a definite date, not just a mirage of hope.

And, inspired by Gandhiji, the change has begun with us – the way the government works. There is transparency and accountability in governance. There is boldness and speed in decisions.

Federalism is no longer the fault line of Centre-State relations, but the definition of a new partnership of Team India. Citizens now have the ease of trust, not the burden of proof and process. Businesses find an environment that is open and easy to work in.

In a nation connected by cell phones, Digital India is transforming the interface between Government and people.

So, Mr. Speaker, with apologies to poet T.S. Eliot, we won’t let the shadow fall between the idea and reality.

If you visit India, you will experience the wind of change.

It is reflected in the surge of investments from around the world; in enhanced stability of our economy; in 190 million new bank accounts of hope and inclusion; in the increase in our growth to nearly 7.5% per year; and, in the sharp rise in our ranking on Ease of Doing Business.

And, the motto of Sab Ka Saath, Sab Ka Vikas, is our vision of a nation, in which every citizen belongs, participates and prospers.

It is not just a call for economic inclusion. It is also a celebration of our diversity; the creed for social harmony; and, a commitment to individual liberties and rights.
This is the timeless ethos of our culture; this is the basis of our constitution; and, this will be the foundation of our future.

Mr. Speaker,
Members and Friends,

The progress of India is the destiny of one-sixth of humanity. And, it will also mean a world more confident of its prosperity; and, more secure about its future.

It is also natural and inevitable that our economic relations will grow by leaps and bounds. We will form unbeatable partnerships, if we combine our unique strengths and the size and scale of opportunities in India.
We will see more investment and trade. We will open new doors in the Services sector. We will collaborate more – here and in India – in defence equipment and technology. We will work together on renewable and nuclear energy.

We will explore the mysteries of science and harness the power of technology and innovation. We will realise the opportunities of the digital world. Our youth will learn more from – and with – each other.

But, a relationship as rich as this, with so much promise as ours, cannot be measured only in terms of our mutual prosperity.
Mr. Speaker,

Ours is an age of multiple transitions in the world. We are yet to fully comprehend the future unfolding before us. As in the previous ages, it will be different from the world we know.
So, in the uncharted waters of our uncertain times, we must together help steer a steady course for this world in the direction that mirrors the ideals we share.

For, in that lies not just the success of our two nations, but also the promise of the world that we desire. We have the strength of our partnership and the membership of the United Nations, the Commonwealth and the G-20.

We live in a world where instability in a distant region quickly reaches our doorsteps. We see this in the challenges of radicalization and refugees.

The fault lines are shifting from the boundaries of nations into the web of our societies and the streets of our cities. And, terrorism and extremism are a global force that are larger than their changing names, groups, territories and targets.

The world must speak in one voice and act in unison to combat this challenge of our times. We must adopt a Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism in the UN without delay. There should be no distinction between terrorist groups or discrimination between nations. There should be a resolve to isolate those who harbour terrorists and willingness to stand with nations that will fight them honestly. And, we need a social movement against extremism in countries where it is most prevalent and, every effort to delink religion and terrorism.

Oceans remain vital for our prosperity. Now, we have to also secure our cyber and outer space. Our interests are aligned across many regions. We have a shared interest in stable, prosperous and integrated South Asia, drawn together in a shared march to prosperity.

We want an Afghanistan that is shaped by the dreams of the great Afghan people, not by irrational fears and overreaching ambitions of others.

A peaceful, stable Indian Ocean Region is vital for global commerce and prosperity. And, the future of Asia Pacific region will have profound impact on all of us. We both have huge stakes in West Asia and the Gulf.
And, in Africa, where, amidst many challenges, we see so many promising signs of courage, wisdom, leadership and enterprise. India has just held an Africa Summit, in which all 55 countries, and 42 leaders participated.

We must also cooperate to launch a low carbon age for a sustainable future for our planet. This is a global responsibility that we must assume in Paris later this month.
The world has crafted a beautiful balance of collective action – common but differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities.

Those who have the means and the know-how must help meet the universal aspiration of humanity for clean energy and a healthy environment. And, when we speak of restraint, we must not only think of curbing fossil fuels, but also moderating our lifestyles.

We must all do our part. For India, a target of 175 GW of additional capacity in renewable energy by 2022 and reduction in emission intensity of 33-35 % by 2030 are just two of the steps of a comprehensive strategy.

I have also proposed to launch during the COP 21 meeting an International Solar Alliance to make solar energy an integral part of our lives, even in the most unconnected villages.

In Britain, you are more likely to use an umbrella against rain than the sun. But, my team defined the membership of the Solar Alliance in more precise terms: you have to be located within the Tropics.

And, we are pleased that the United Kingdom qualifies! So, we look forward to an innovative Britain as a valuable partner in this endeavour. Prime Minister Cameron and I are, indeed, very pleased that cooperation on affordable and accessible clean energy is an important pillar of our relations.
Mr. Speaker,

This is a huge moment for our two great nations. So, we must seize our opportunities, remove the obstacles to cooperation, instill full confidence in our relations and remain sensitive to each other’s interests.

In doing so, we will transform our strategic partnership, and we will make this relationship count as one of the leading global partnerships. Ever so often, in the call of Britain’s most famous Bard that we must seize the tide in the affairs of men, the world has sought the inspiration to act. And, so must we.

But, in defining the purpose of our partnership, we must turn to a great son of India, whose house in London I shall dedicate to the cause of social justice on Saturday. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, whose 125th birth anniversary we are celebrating now, was not just an architect of India’s Constitution and our parliamentary democracy. He also stood for the upliftment of the weak, the oppressed and the excluded. And, he lifted us all to a higher cause in the service of humanity; to build a future of justice, equality, opportunity and dignity for all humans; and, peace among people.

That is the cause to which India and the United Kingdom have dedicated themselves today.
Thank you very much, thanks a lot.


Wednesday, 11 November 2015

National Action Plan and harassment of our workers in Azad Kashmir, a letter to HC of Pakistan

Date 10 November 2015

Dear Syed Ibne Abbas, His Excellency High Commissioner of Pakistan

Salam on behalf of Kashmir National Party.

Re: National Action Plan and harassment of our workers in Azad Kashmir

His Excellency, we are seriously concerned about growing intolerance and curbing of political and economic rights in Pakistani Administered Kashmir and in Gilgit Baltistan.

Kashmir National Party believes that the former State of Jammu and Kashmir is not part of India or Pakistan; and that the divided State should become united and independent.

We are not against State of Pakistan or against State of India; however, we have right to differ and oppose policies of both countries which are related to Jammu and Kashmir. We strongly oppose violence, religious intolerance and terrorism in any form or shape; and promote our struggle peacefully. This right is granted to us by the UN Resolutions on Kashmir, the UN Charter and the constitution of Pakistan.

Despite our peaceful struggle for our inherent and legally protected rights, our leaders and political workers in Azad Kashmir are systematically targeted and harassed under the cover of National Action Plan.

We have reports where shops of our workers are raided, books and literature related to Kashmir confiscated; and shops are forcefully sealed. Also people are told to stop their political activities or face the wrath of the authorities.

Also we have reports that some of our leaders are implicated in fraudulent cases, and endeavours are being made to hurt their business interests. Some political activists of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan are charged under sedition laws, and some are put in jails.

People who are victimised include, Afzaal Suleria, Yasin Anjum, Wasim Malik, Rafiq Khawaja, Talat Ansari, Sharoon Mughal, Baba Jan, Col Nadir Khan, Manzoor Parwana, Iftikhar Ali and many others.

We request you to pass on our serious concerns to the relevant quarters including the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

Yours sincerely



Dr Shabir Choudhry, Diplomatic Head, Kashmir National Party
Mobile 07790 942471              Email: Drshabirchoudhry@gmail.com

                                                                       


Tuesday, 10 November 2015

Pakistan’s Sindh has characteristics of an independent state, US Congressional report

Pakistan’s Sindh has characteristics of an independent state, US Congressional report

Washington: Pakistan's 
Sindh always possessed characteristics of a "viable independent state", but its role as Punjab's conduit to the sea may be the ultimate reason that successful separatism could not yield results, a first-ever US Congressional report on the strategic province has said.

In its report, the Congressional Research Service (CRS) -- an independent and bi-partisan research wing of US Congress -- said Sindh historically has possessed many of the trappings of a modern nation-state.

"Yet it exists in a circumstance wherein its autonomy (and that of Pakistan's other minority provinces") is significantly restrained by a politically and demographically dominant Punjabi province and ethnicity," said the report.

The CRS reports are prepared by eminent experts but are not considered the official position of US Congress. However, it is the first time CRS has prepared a report on Sindh which of late is facing serious discontent among locals.

"Although Sindh has always possessed most of the characteristics required for a viable independent state and some nationalist sentiments persist to this day its role as Punjab's conduit to the sea may well be the ultimate reason that successful Sindhi separatism faced long odds," it said.

A copy of the report was released to the media by Congressman Brad Sherman, who is the co-Chair of the small Congressional Caucus on Sindh.

"Sindh thus operates in a seemingly permanent state of disadvantage, and is seen by some to be unlikely to meet its full social and economic potential in the absence of major qualitative changes to the Pakistani state," said the report.

According to the report, Sindh's Mohajirs (Urdu-speaking people who migrated from India during partition) had their own autonomist movement from the mid-1980s until the early 2000s.

This was rooted in that community's loss of preeminence in provincial politics, bureaucracy, and industry, its lack of meaningful representation in the army, and its loss of identity following migration, among other factors.

After the 1970 election elevated a Sindhi to the prime ministership, Mohajir student organisations began efforts to consolidate community identity, and in 1984 the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) political party was founded, one with an early "penchant for torture, kidnapping, and murder."

Political violence in Karachi grew to such a scale that, by the early - 1990s, it had caught the attention of the army, which launched a crackdown that sent MQM leader Altaf Hussein into apparently permanent exile in London.

Yet the party remains a major player in the province and has continued to be dominant in Karachi proper. Sindhi-Mohajir frictions remain unresolved, especially given widespread perceptions among Mohajirs that the provincial government is fundamentally unable to serve their needs, the report said.

"Pervasive political, ethnic, and sectarian violence in Karachi has some analysts fearful that nuclear facilities near the city would be subjected to attack by militants." 

Source: http://defence.pk/threads/pakistans-sindh-has-characteristics-of-an-independent-state-us-congressional-report.407848/#ixzz3r7qIM252

Wednesday, 4 November 2015

Upending the Stalemate between India and Pakistan, by Michael Krepon

Upending the Stalemate between India and Pakistan, by Michael Krepon
Trend lines in the subcontinent are poor and will not improve until there is substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan. Hopes that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would pull a “Nixon goes to China” maneuver with Pakistan have been dashed, at least for now. Modi either has no Pakistan policy or has a policy not to engage with Pakistan. It’s worth recalling, however, that President Richard Nixon didn’t pursue his China gambit early on. And that General Pervez Musharraf introduced himself to India with a land grab and ended his presidential run trying to reach a settlement over Kashmir. It’s never a good idea to type cast or pigeonhole ambitious leaders. Rather, it’s usually a good idea to look for openings to improve testy relations between states that possess nuclear weapons.
For now, however, relations are most definitely sour and are likely to remain that way until Modi shifts gears from a one-topic agenda item for talks, focused on terrorism. This stance, like Islamabad’s renewed embrace of the Kashmir issue and the compilation of dossiers of Indian trouble making in Baluchistan and elsewhere, serve as placeholders until Modi is ready for serious, sustained engagement. Pakistan hasn’t won a favorable UN resolution on Kashmir since 1957, but old chestnuts keep being thrown into the fire.
The avoidance of nuclear dangers now depends on the absence of a big explosion in India that can be traced back to a group like the Lashkar-e-Toiba, with its historical ties to Pakistan’s military and intelligence services. There have been no big explosions since the 2008 Mumbai attacks, seven long years ago. Perhaps this suggests control as well as influence by Pakistan’s military and intelligence services over the LeT, for which they cannot take public credit. Perhaps this suggests success in a strategy of defanging the LeT in return for monetary incentives and other benefits, such as not prosecuting its leaders. Perhaps Rawalpindi has internalized the realization that the damage to Pakistan’s image and economic prospects resulting from these attacks far exceed the satisfaction gained by causing India pain and embarrassment. Perhaps Modi’s reputation as a hard-liner has served as a deterrent. Or perhaps another attack is in the offing. Most of us just don’t know the answers to this riddle; those who do aren’t talking.
In the meantime, Pakistan and India are increasing their nuclear arsenals, with Pakistan doing so faster than India. Rawalpindi’s nuclear deterrent includes tactical nuclear weapons of varying kinds, to dissuade New Delhi from carrying out cross-border conventional thrusts in response to another Mumbai-like attack. Since tactical nuclear weapons are the least safe and secure in Pakistan’s arsenal, and since these and longer-range, nuclear-capable launchers will be moved around in the midst of a serious crisis, nuclear risks will grow significantly in the event of another confrontation. Pakistan’s military leaders seem unpersuaded by arguments that mixing tactical nuclear weapons into conventional battle plans is a lousy idea.
Combat between ground forces, backed up by air power, will greatly accentuate the risk that there will be a battlefield nuclear detonation. What might be done to defuse India-Pakistan relations and break the back of the nuclear competition on the subcontinent, the way that Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev broke the back of the superpower nuclear arms race?
Permit me a flight of fancy – and suspend disbelief for a brief moment. Reagan and Gorbachev were out-of-the box thinkers and risk takers. They set the ball rolling by declaring that, “A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.” Words can be empty and devoid of content. They can also have the power to shape perceptions and actions. These particular words undermined programs for nuclear war-fighting strategies of deterrence and paved the way for significant nuclear arms reductions.
So allow me to put words in Prime Minister Modi’s mouth – words that could greatly reduce nuclear dangers and upend Pakistan’s anti-India narrative. First, Modi might announce that, in the event of another attack on Indian soil by extremist organizations based in Pakistan, he will not initiate a ground campaign across borders. Instead, he will consider other military options. Or, like his predecessors, he might conclude that Pakistan is not worth another war that risks uncontrolled escalation and damage to the Indian economy. The blame for a new crisis, like its predecessors, would fall squarely on Pakistan, which would once again suffer diplomatic and economic setbacks without India having to strike a blow.
Pakistan’s hawks will not believe Modi’s stated intention, any more than they believe India’s pledge not to use nuclear weapons first in a conflict. How, then, might Modi be more persuasive? By announcing that if Rawalpindi is intent on mortgaging Pakistan’s future by spending Soviet-like budget percentages for military-related accounts – including spending to repel a ground campaign that India does not intend to wage — it is entirely free to do so. Likewise, if Rawalpindi wishes to grow its nuclear arsenal at a faster rate than any other state possessing nuclear weapons, it will not hear even one muted complaint from New Delhi. India, Modi might say, will continue to grow its arsenal at its own pace, giving priority to social welfare and electricity over nuclear weapons.
These statements would also be met with disbelief by Pakistan’s hawks, just as hawks in the United States could not believe Mikhail Gorbachev’s stated intent to take away Washington’s enemy image of the Soviet Union. Since Modi, like Gorbachev, will continue to spend money on conventional and nuclear forces, hawks in Pakistan will find reason to continue to plan against worst cases. So what else, in this flight of fancy, might Modi say or do?
Modi might re-energize back-channel talks between India and Pakistan on a long-overdue Kashmir settlement. The outlines of a settlement are well known: there would be a permanent moratorium on firing across the Kashmir divide; borders would not change but neither would they become impediments to improved relations; security forces would be thinned out on both sides and greater autonomy given to locals; economic trade would significantly increase across multiple gateways, and broader regional economic integration plans would be implemented.
Kashmir isn’t a Gordian knot; it is well known how to untie this dispute. These plans have long awaited Indian and Pakistani leaders strong enough to override interests that are deeply invested in familiar posturing. A civilian prime minister in Pakistan cannot take the lead in dispute resolution, but might be able to follow Modi’s lead – if the costs to Pakistan of rejecting a fair plan and the incentives to accept it are meaningful. Even if Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in unable to reach a settlement along these lines, a strong Indian government would gain ground internationally by proposing it, while opening a release valve for growing disaffection in the Kashmir Valley.
Nothing could upend deeply ritualized hostility and reduce nuclear dangers on the subcontinent more than this Nobel Prize-worthy script. Might Modi be capable of good surprises after taking missteps, just as Musharraf was?
This scenario is currently implausible. It’s easier to make the same old speeches, while peace making entails risk. Autocracies can turn on a dime; vigorous democracies cannot. Right flanks have blocking power and bureaucracies do not get paid to envision improbable success stories. There is no welcome relief on the horizon from the impasse in India-Pakistan relations, marked by growing nuclear dangers.
But enough of this daydreaming. It’s time once again to visit Pakistan.
Michael Krepon is the Co-founder of the Stimson Center.
This piece originally ran in Arms Control Wonk, November 3rd, 2015



Tuesday, 3 November 2015

Modi’s India- Pakistan’s opportunity, Ayaz Mir.

Modi’s India- Pakistan’s opportunity, Ayaz Mir.
'Narendra Modi is a godsend to Pakistan
Narendra Modi is the best thing that could have happened to Pakistan. He is making India look like General Zia’s Pakistan. Can there be a bigger favour to Pakistan than that?

Assaults on liberalism, threats to free speech, people killed because of their beliefs or what they stand for, hate and bigotry on the loose, extreme expressions of religiosity, indeed religion entering the political discourse like never before…these were things that were supposed to happen in Pakistan.'
And Indians were wont to preen themselves no end because their country, ‘Shining India’, the India of myth and fantasy, the India of the adman’s imagination, was above these failings which painted Pakistan in dark colours. Small wonder, in conversations with Pakistanis, Indians were all too apt to adopt a patronising tone…redolent of smugness and a superior attitude.
And as the world was never allowed to forget, India was the world’s largest democracy. The accepted wisdom was that India was on the march while Pakistan was home to religious extremism and all kinds of violence.
It was all a bit tiresome but there was no cure for it as every now and then something would happen in Pakistan – someone, usually someone poor, charged with blasphemy, a Christian community attacked, someone shot because of his faith or denomination, another terrorist incident – which captured world headlines and reinforced the image of a country overwhelmed by its troubles.
But Narendra Modi’s election as prime minister and the fillip this has given to Hindu fundamentalism – the idea that India is a Hindu nation – have dramatically altered this equation. Whereas Pakistan is slowly emerging from its fundamentalist quagmire, moving away from the religious extremism that was its biggest problem, India is lurching in the other direction.
Sonia Faleiro, an Indian journalist, thus writes in the New York Times: “In today’s India, secular liberals face a challenge: how to stay alive. In August, 77-year old scholar M M Kalburgi, an outspoken critic of Hindu idol worship, was gunned down on his own doorstep. In February, the communist leader Govind Pansare was killed near Mumbai. And in 2013, the activist Narendra Dhabolkar was murdered for campaigning against religious superstition.”
And a Muslim man in an Uttar Pradesh village is brutally beaten and killed over the rumour of beef-eating. Writers, to their credit, have returned their awards and Sharmila Tagore, the well-known actor, warns that the present climate of intolerance in India is like the atmosphere prevailing at the time of Mrs Gandhi’s 1975-77 emergency and the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. But these are voices in the wilderness. The prevailing mood is one of intolerance and fear. 
The prime minister himself is silent, just as he was silent when rampaging Hindu mobs carried out a massacre of Muslims in Gujarat, the state he ruled as chief minister. There were people who believed that as prime minister he would be a different man. But as events in India testify, he hasn’t changed his spots. Narendra Modi remains a man wedded to the extreme Hindu ideology of the organisation of which he has been an ardent follower most of his adult life: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
Hindutva ideology is a form of Nazism. Call it native or saffron Nazism. It is based on the racialist notion that India is a Hindu nation with no place for Muslims or people of other faiths. The opportunity for Pakistan in this mess is clear. For too long Pakistan has been seen as a haven of bigotry and intolerance. And it has been vilified and denounced for the same. Now India is becoming a Hindu Pakistan, or what Pakistan had become before it decided to tackle the monster of religious extremism. India’s loss should be Pakistan’s gain.
But this gain becomes worthwhile and enduring if Pakistan opens the vistas of its mind further and becomes a more enlightened place. The heyday of Pakistani fundamentalism is already over. The power of the gun-wielding mullah wanting to establish an Islamic emirate, while not eliminated, has been dealt a serious blow. The space so won needs to be expanded and made secure.
There’s too much corruption in our public life. Something needs to be done about that. The delivery of services vital to everyday life – administration, police, judicial system – should improve. Are we spending enough on health? Isn’t it high time we thought about having one education system throughout the country, the same books for everyone but better books and with none of the nonsense purveyed in subjects like Pakistan Studies?
Our entire outlook, the way we look at things, the way we discuss them, needs to become more rational and ‘modern’. We have to move away from outmoded methods of thinking. If India is embracing dogma, let it. We have been here earlier, with too much of dogma part of our national thinking. We need to discard it. The spirit of enquiry is the basis of learning. We must learn to foster this spirit.
Western countries are not irreligious countries. Most of them subscribe to the Christian faith. Our faith is Islam, the faith of the majority in this country. The west has gone through its religious tribulations. It no longer wears religion on its sleeves. We also must learn to discard the habit of wearing our religion on our sleeves.
The loudspeaker, more than the Kalashnikov, is the single most important source of religious mischief in our society. Its unchecked use and power has been tempered. It needs to be brought further under control. And there must be no misuse of the blasphemy law. The Supreme Court judgement rejecting Mumtaz Qadri’s appeal – pertaining to the man who shot Governor Salmaan Taseer – is a landmark judgement in the way it throws light on the blasphemy issue.
And we have to get one thing into our heads. We don’t have to match India missile for missile and bomb for bomb. We make our own bazookas, our own tanks, and our own nuke bombs. In any rational calculation this is more than enough deterrence. We have a strong army, a strong air force. We need better schools and colleges, more research, more knowledge. We should have greater confidence in ourselves and we should learn to talk less about India and the Indian threat. Not in nuclear arms but in tolerance, enlightenment, rationality and understanding we must be seen as superior to India…and in music too and in the arts.
Our wise men used to think that the TTP (the Taliban native to Pakistan) represented an insurmountable challenge. They thought Karachi was beyond solving. They have been proved wrong. Pakistan has taken on tough challenges and is seeing them through successfully. Cannot the people of Pakistan confront the problem of prohibition in a rational manner? Cannot the veil of hypocrisy surrounding this issue, for issue it is, be rent asunder?
The law forbids the acquisition and consumption of liquor. The reality is otherwise, with every known brand of the forbidden stuff in every large city just a telephone call away. The law and reality must be brought in harmony – through whatever stratagem or hypocrisy comes readily to hand – because prohibition, like it or not, is not a hallmark of a rational society. It serves to promote Pakistan’s backward image, besides encouraging criminal behaviour. What goes to the bootleg man must go to the legitimate taxman. In this respect our model should be Dubai, not Saudi Arabia. Dubai is an eminently pragmatic emirate, which is the outstanding reason for its economic success.
To sum up, Narendra Modi is a godsend to Pakistan. More power to Hindutva, more power to the saffron Nazism of the RSS, the spiritual fountainhead before which the Indian prime minister bows. If we master our internal weaknesses, expand the sphere of enlightenment and tolerance, there is nothing that we have to fear from any other quarter.

http://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/opinion/modi-s-india-pakistan-s-opportunity/200647.html

Monday, 2 November 2015

AN OPEN LETTER TO, JKNAP WORKERS ALL OVER THE WORLD. Is it a Change of Narrative or a Shift in Policy? by Sajjad Raja

AN OPEN LETTER TO, JKNAP WORKERS ALL OVER THE WORLD.
Is it a Change of Narrative or a Shift in Policy? by Sajjad Raja
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I Hope Someone from JKNAP could answer !
Indian Prime Minister Narindera Modi is arriving in the UK on 13th November 2015.
Former Prime Minister of POK Barrister Sultan Chaudhary has given a call to protest against Indian atrocities in IOJK and unlawful Indian occupation of JK.

All Pakistani political parties, traditional pro Pakistan parties of POJK and most of the Nationalist parties have welcomed this protest call and have announced to join this protest.

Barrister Sultan is the most corrupt politician of POJK and his whole political life is marred with scandals and strange manoeuvres. He started his political career from AMC platform, then merged his party with LL to raise his political stature. Then he paid millions of dollars to PPP and merged LL into PPP and sought assurance to become premier in POJK. He served full 5 years term in office, but as his party couldn't win next general elections, he tried to join PML N. But they didn't entertain him and as he was exposed, he made his own party to be called PML. He kept on trying to join either PML N or PPP but they didn't trust him because of his dishonesty. Later on somehow PPP gave him a second chance, he was hopeful to become either President or PM of POJK, but he failed as the party didn't trust him. He kept on doing the horse trading and tried many times to topple down his own party's government but couldn't succeed. He even joined hands with MC to enter into government at one stage but failed.

His 2014 Kashmiries Million March in London is very notorious, where he tried to please Bilawal Zardari and in return to grab POJK premiership, but this show was disrupted by POJK government and Barrister Sultan Chaudhary was badly exosed. He had left no place in the government. At this he used his long time ally Lord Nazir Ahmed to convince Imran Khan to take him into his party. Imran Khan after seeking some guarantees took him into his party and made him president of POJK branch of his party.

Barrister Sultan has held tens of protests in the US, UK and Europe in past 30 years in the name of Kashmir issue and his protests have produced such drastic results for Kashmir issue that the UN struck out the issue from the list of it's unsolved International disputes and has declared Kashmir issue as a mutual dispute between India and Pakistan.

In fact Barrister Sultan has throughout been paid by Pakistan government for all these protests and Barrister has tried to prove to the world that Kashmir Issue is a dispute between India and Pakistan and that in this dispute Kashmiries side with Pakistan.

The march which was organised outside the UN on 25th October 2015 raised very loud slogans of Kashmir Banay Ga Pakistan. Barrister Sultan and other organisers were paid $3.5 Million for this March.
The London Protest is sponsored by Pakistan government and the agenda is to protest against India to show to the world that Kashmiries are with Pakistan and against India.
Unfortunately my political party JKNAP has decided to join hands with Barrister Sultan and thus to play in Pakistani hands.
I do not and cannot approve this political blunder and ideological suicide by JKNAP. And hence publicly denounce this unwise and hypocritical decision.
I joined JKNSF in 1978 and since then remained associated with JKNSF and JKNAP. That's a long long period of 37 years. It's two third of my whole life. And after these 37 years today I feel ideologically deceived and politically betrayed.
We have been educated not to even take part in the ordinary street programmes of the parties associated with Pakistani establishment. We have always been protesting against Barrister Sultan and POJK government for their anti people, undemocratic and anti state policies.
But now I am unable to understand why and how this principled stand of JKNAP and JKNSF has been changed. What has made my party to change their narrative? Why this shift in Policy against the basic principles of JKNAP constitution has been approved?
I could have swallowed this bitter pill had there been any protest by JKNAP against Nawaz Sharif as he recently visited London after introducing National Action Plan in POJK. Under this plan, most of the Nationalist literature has been confiscated by authorities in POJK. Publishers and Printers of this literature have been arrested under this plan and people are really terrified in POJK because of this draconian law. Our people have no rights whatsoever in POJK, we are barred to take part in elections there, Muzaffarabad is controlled by Paki Chief Secretary who has established the most corrupt government of the world in Muzaffarabad, but JKNAP never bathered to protest against any Pakistani Prime Minister's visit. So why to protest against Modi then? Why to join hands with Barrister Sultan and Pakistan?
In fact today I feel my whole political life has been ruined by my party.
This is simply Muslim Nationalism. The Nationalism for which we have always opposed JKLF. Today I see no difference among JKLF, PPP AJK, PML N AJK, JI AJK, PTI AJK and JKNAP.
My political party has taken stance to liberate Kashmir from Hindu majority India on the basis of religion and by doing so my party has played joke on half a million deaths of innocent citizens in 1947. My party has in fact cut off links with entire non Muslim population of JK. Jammu and Ladakh today have been practically deceived by my Secular and Progressive Party.
What is the Justification behind all this policy shift?
Would someone explain it to me?
There is no justification and no rationalisation of these drastic policy decisions.
Thus I condemn my party for changing it's secular face and for stamping the division of JK on the basis of religion.
Sajjad Raja
Founder Member National al Council JKNAP
Former Coordinator IC JKNAP
Former President JKNAP UK.