Pakistan’s
toxic obsession with Kashmir is still generating fresh victims, Jonathan
Kay
13/06/03 |
Pakistan is beset by such a
bewildering array of militant political and religious movements that it is
sometimes difficult to keep them straight. The most spectacular events — such
as last week’s drone-strike killing of Waliur Rehman, a major Pakistani Taliban
leader — make the front pages in the West. But many others do not.
That is the case with Arif Shahid, a 62-year-old Kashmiri political
leader who was gunned down on May 15 near Islamabad, after he’d met with an NGO
that promotes a peaceful settlement of the Kashmir question. His killing
received some scattered coverage in Western media outlets, including the BBC.
But it deserved wider attention, because it represents a new threat to Pakistan
and the nations that sit on its bloody borders.
In many ways, Kashmir is a microcosm of Islamic civilization’s
self-destructive tendencies in this part of the world. When India and Pakistan
became separate entities in the late 1940s, Kashmir’s maharaja (pictured above)
wavered between the two regional giants. It was only when Pakistani-supported
guerrillas came flooding into Kashmir that he sought terms with India, which
took control of most of the contested territory.
Pakistan’s obsession with control of Kashmir lies at the root of many of
its modern pathologies: The jihadi groups now sowing chaos and mass murder in
Pakistan and Afghanistan got their start in Kashmir as proxy forces supported
by the Pakistani military and its intelligence branch. The deployment of these
forces became a toxic manifestation of Pakistan’s obsession with incorporating
local Muslim populations into its land mass — a spirit that continues to affect
Pakistan’s hegemonistic relationship with Afghanistan.
But it is important to remember that the enduring political — and
sporadically paramilitary — battle over Kashmir is not a simple fight between
Pakistan and India: There is a large swathe of public opinion in Kashmir that
seeks independence from both countries.
Indeed, Arif Shahid was a champion of that very cause. His All Parties
National Alliance (APNA) sought the creation of a new state, and sought to end
Pakistani rule and military oversight in western Kashmir (which is divided into
quasi-autonomous entities known as Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan). He
wanted no part in the pointless terrorist campaign waged by Sunni militants
against India on Kashmiri soil — and often spoke of Pakistan as a “colonial”
power in the region. This infuriated the Pakistanis, who tried to prevent him
from traveling, and accused him of “anti-state activities.” It is unknown whether
the Pakistani military or its proxies had involvement in his killing. But it
would surprise no one if they did.
The history of Kashmir is complex, and whole books have been written
about the fateful period in the late 1940s, when this physically magnificent
part of the northwestern Indian subcontinent was divided in the way it was. But
whatever the rights and wrongs of what happened more than six decades ago, one
can understand why even many local Kashmiri leaders have grown weary of the
violence and dysfunctionality that is now part of daily Pakistani life.
Indeed, the murder of Shahid shows that things are getting worse: The
lives of enemy “infidels” are regarded as cheap among Sunni militants. But
Shahid wasn’t an Indian stooge. He was merely someone agitating politically for
self-determination. And his killing is a big event: It is the first time a
pro-Kashmir independence figure has been targeted for assassination in this
way.
Notwithstanding this year’s relatively peaceful election in Pakistan,
the larger pattern in this country is unmistakably grim: Anyone who deviates in
any way — whether theologically or politically — from hardline
Islamo-nationalist rhetoric is seen as a potential target. The killers who
struck down Shahid have simply given Kashmiris one more reason to reject
Pakistani rule.
jkay@nationalpost.com
— Jonathan Kay is a Fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C. This article originally appeared in New Europe.
— Jonathan Kay is a Fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C. This article originally appeared in New Europe.
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