Pakistan's unquenched thirst for Kashmir is a long-running saga.
Its belief that it can pouch Kashmir is akin to the Sisyphus
story. A Janus-faced nation attempting to wrest control of what is an
integral part of the Sovereign Republic of India.
Kashmir remains a utopian dream for Pakistan.
Timely Warning
The Sisyphus story is a timely warning to those who try to act too
clever.
Avaricious and deceitful, Sisyphus was famed for being the craftiest of
men. As a punishment for his trickery, King Sisyphus was made to endlessly
roll a huge boulder up a steep hill.
The maddening nature of the punishment was reserved for King Sisyphus
due to his hubristic belief that his cleverness surpassed that of Zeus
himself.
Clearly, in the Kashmir context, there are those who have tried to be
too clever. It is interesting to note that in a confidential aide memoire
written by then Governor General of India Lord Mountbatten, on Junagadh and
Kashmir, dated February 25, 1948, many misplaced notions, theories, and
misunderstandings have been dissipated.
The question mark over Kashmir’s accession to India, which remains for
many shrouded in controversy, can have no better defence than the one provided
by Mountbatten.
The secret brief was prepared by Lord Mountbatten for the Indian
delegation to the UN Security Council.
For good measure, he got the three chiefs of staff – Gen. R.N.N.
Lockhart, commander in chief of the Indian Army, Air Marshal T W Elmhirst,
commanding the Royal Indian Air Force and Rear Admiral J T S Hall – to sign on
the aide memoire that no plans were made for sending Indian troops to Kashmir
before October 25, three days before the tribal incursions began.
Three Fallacies
As Kashmir goes to the polls once again, many canards and conspiracy
theories abound on plebiscites and a flawed accession.
Reflecting on the three main misunderstandings at the time, Mountbatten
provided a lucid account of what was right and wrong in terms of
perception.
The broad sweep of his aide memoire was broken down into three
aspects:
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■ That the Government of India took possession of Junagadh state by
force, after its legal accession to Pakistan, and has largely vitiated its case
in Kashmir by its actions in Kashmir.
■ That the Government of India brought pressure to bear, at various times,
on the Maharajah and the Government of Kashmir in order to induce the State to
acceded to the Dominion of India.
That the Government of India planned the dispatch of Indian forces to
Kashmir sometime in advance of the actual date.
Since Mountbatten was present in all meetings, his clear headed aide
memoire offers clarity on several perceptions and myths which continue to cloud
people’s judgment even to this day.
This is what Mountbatten wrote: “On July 25, 1947, in my capacity as Crown
Representative I addressed a special full meeting of the Chamber of
Princes.
"At this I informed the rulers and their representatives of the
policies of the future governments of both India and Pakistan, which I had
worked out with them, with regard to the formation of Instruments of Accession
and Standstill Agreements by and with states.”
Junagadh was the largest state in Kathiawar with a population of 700,000
(82 per cent Hindu), seaboard with an area of about 3500 sq miles.
The failure of Junagadh to accede to India by August 15 caused surprise
to Mountbatten’s Government, but no special action was taken to secure
Junagadh’s accession.
Once it became clear that this was happening, the Government of India
pointed out to Pakistan the patent impropriety and injustice of accepting
Junagadh’s accession and made two formal efforts to obtain a declaration on the
intention of the Pakistan Government with regard to this matter, but there was
no response.
Test Case
Junagadh became a test case, with other princes coming forward and
airing their concerns.
Shaliman Gardens in Kashmir, India. Myths abound over the circumstances
that caused Kashmir to become part of India Jamsaheb of Nawanagar for instance was
clear that if Government of India did not prevent Junagadh from going over, the
confidence of the princes would be shattered in the process as a whole.
Mountbatten asked Lord Ismay for his counsel on the matter. Ismay
believed that Jinnah had an ulterior motive and was using Junagadh as a
propagandist move, playing an innocent smaller nation, with a larger game plan
to use this as to chip away at Kashmir.
Government of India didn’t move a muscle for two months after Junagadh’s
accession to Pakistan.
Then came the twist. Among the large number of states in Kathiawar
were Babariawad and Mangrol. Both chose to declare their independence on the
lapse of paramountcy.
Junagadh armed forces took possession of these two areas. The Prime
Minister of Pakistan undertook, but failed to induce Junagadh to withdraw these
forces.
On November 1, Indian troops entered these two states under a flag of
truce. To cut to the chase, a referendum was carried out in Junagadh
subsequently which resulted in an overwhelming vote in India’s favour.
Sir Mahabhatkhan Rasulkhanji had meanwhile fled to Karachi.
On Kashmir, Mountbatten’s aide memoire reveals that: “My Government
put no pressure to bear on the Maharajah to cause him to accede to India.
"Visits by Mahatma Gandhi and Acharya Kriplani to Kashmir have been
quoted in support of a claim that Indian representatives (though admittedly not
members of my Government) did bring pressure to bear.
"All that I can say with regard to Gandhi’s visit is that he gave
me his personal promise that he would not discuss political matters of this
kind…Indeed the Government of India went out of their way to abstain from any
acts which might be interpreted as inducement.
"It was on October 24, when I was dining with Pandit Nehru, that I
heard the first reports that a column of tribesmen had entered Kashmir in buses
from the direction of Peshawar, and were already on the outskirts of Uri.
"A defence committee meeting was summoned on October 25 morning and
it was decided to that efforts should be made to fly arms and ammunition to
Srinagar so as to give the ground forces defending the city a chance of
repelling the tribesmen.
"I reiterate that no steps were taken to plan the dispatch of
Indian troops to Kashmir before October 25.”
This ends the debate. Mountbatten should be treated as the last word.
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