“It is an atomic bomb. It is the greatest thing in history.”
- President Harry S. Truman (August 6, 1945)
One of the seemingly endless
Good (sic) War myths goes a little something like this:
The U.S. had no choice but to drop atomic bombs on Japanese
civilians in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Had they not done so, the fanatical
Japanese never would have surrendered and millions of brave American soldiers
would have perished in the ensuing invasion of the Japanese islands.
As we approach the 70th anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima,
I’ll try (yet again) to answer the question: Why was the bomb used?
The
enemy was never fascism
Before
confronting the unleashing of the bomb, there is lesser-known myth that must be
dealt with: the life-and-death race with German scientists. “Working at Los
Alamos, New Mexico,” writes historian Kenneth C. Davis, “atomic scientists,
many of them refugees from Hitler’s Europe, thought they were racing against
Germans developing a ‘Nazi bomb.’”
Surely, if
it were possible for the epitome of evil to produce such a weapon, it would be
the responsibility of the good guys to beat der Führer to the plutonium punch.
While such a desperate race makes for excellent melodrama, the German bomb
effort, it appears, fell far short of success.
Thanks to
the declassification of key documents, we now have access to “unassailable
proof that the race with the Nazis was a fiction,” says Stewart Udall, who
cites the work of McGeorge Bundy and Thomas Powers before adding: “According to
the official history of the British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), those agents
maintained ‘contacts with scientists in neutral countries.’”
These
contacts, by mid-1943, provided enough evidence to convince the SIS that the
German bomb program simply did not exist.
Despite such
findings, U.S. General Leslie Groves, military commander of the Manhattan
Project, got permission in the fall of 1943 to begin a secret espionage mission
known as Alsos (Greek for “grove,” get it?). The mission saw Groves’ men
following the Allies’ armies throughout Europe with the goal of capturing
German scientists involved in the manufacture of atomic weapons.
While the
data uncovered by Alsos only served to reinforce the prior reports that the
Third Reich was not pursuing a nuclear program, Groves was able to maintain
enough of a cover-up to keep his pet project alive. In the no-holds-barred
religion of anti-communism, the “Good War” enemy was never fascism. Truman’s
daughter, Margaret, remarked about her dad’s early presidential efforts after
the death of FDR in April 1945, “My father’s overriding concern in these first
weeks was our policy towards Russia.”
“Saved
millions of lives”
The most
commonly evoked justification for the dropping of atomic bombs on Japan was to
save lives, but was it true? Would such an invasion even have been necessary?
Finally, were the actions of the United States motivated by an escalating Cold
War with the Soviet Union? Here are the facts that don’t mesh with the
long-accepted storyline:
Although
hundreds of thousands of Japanese lives were lost in Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
the bombings are often explained away as a “life-saving” measure -- American
lives. Exactly how many lives saved is, however, up for grabs. (We do know of a
few U.S. soldiers who fell between the cracks About a dozen or more American
POWs were killed in Hiroshima, a truth that remained hidden for some 30 years.)
In defense
of the U.S. action, it is usually claimed that the bombs saved lives. The
hypothetical body count ranges from 20,000 to “millions.” In an August 9, 1945
statement to “the men and women of the Manhattan Project,” President Truman
declared the hope that “this new weapon will result in saving thousands of
American lives.”
“The
president’s initial formulation of ‘thousands,” however, was clearly not his
final statement on the matter to say the least,” remarks historian Gar
Alperovitz. In his book, The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb and the
Architecture of an American Myth, Alperovitz documents but a few of Truman’s
public estimates throughout the years:
>> Dec. 15, 1945: “It occurred to me that a quarter of a
million of the flower of our young manhood was worth a couple of Japanese
cities ...”
>> Late 1946: “A year less of war will mean life for three
hundred thousand -- maybe half a million -- of America’s finest youth.”
>> October 1948: “In the long run we could save a quarter of
a million young Americans from being killed, and would save an equal number of
Japanese young men from being killed.”
>> April 6, 1949: “I thought 200,000 of our young men would
be saved.”
>> November 1949: Truman quotes Army Chief of Staff George
S. Marshall as estimating the cost of an Allied invasion of Japan to be “half a
million casualties.”
>> Jan. 12, 1953: Still quoting Marshall, Truman raises the
estimate to “a minimum one quarter of a million” and maybe “as much as a
million, on the American side alone, with an equal number of the enemy.”
>> Finally, on April 28, 1959, Truman concluded: “the
dropping of the bombs ... saved millions of lives.”
Fortunately, we are not operating without the benefit of official estimates.
Fortunately, we are not operating without the benefit of official estimates.
In June
1945, Truman ordered the U.S. military to calculate the cost in American lives
for a planned assault on Japan. Consequently, the Joint War Plans Committee
prepared a report for the Chiefs of Staff, dated June 15, 1945, thus providing
the closest thing anyone has to “accurate”: 40,000 U.S. soldiers killed,
150,000 wounded, and 3,500 missing.
While the
actual casualty count remains unknowable, it was widely known at the time that
Japan had been trying to surrender for months prior to the atomic bombing. A
May 5, 1945 cable, intercepted and decoded by the United States, “dispelled any
possible doubt that the Japanese were eager to sue for peace.” In fact, the
U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey reported shortly after the war, that Japan “in
all probability” would have surrendered before the much-discussed November 1,
1945 Allied invasion of the homeland.
Truman
himself eloquently noted in his diary that Stalin would “be in the Jap War on
August 15th. Fini (sic) Japs when that comes about.”
The
cold logic of capitalism
Some
post-Hiroshima/Nagasaki sentiments questioned the use of the bombs.
“I thought
our country should avoid shocking world opinion by the use of a weapon whose
employment was, I thought, no longer mandatory as a measure to save American
lives,” said General Dwight D. Eisenhower while, not long after the Japanese
surrender, New York Times military analyst Hanson Baldwin wrote, “The enemy, in
a military sense, was in a hopeless strategic position ... Such then, was the
situation when we wiped out Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Need we have done it? No
one can, of course, be positive, but the answer is almost certainly negative.”
So, was it
the cold logic of capitalism that motivated the nuking of civilians?
As far back
as May 1945, a Venezuelan diplomat was reporting how Assistant Secretary of
State Nelson Rockefeller “communicated to us the anxiety of the United States
government about the Russian attitude.”
U.S.
Secretary of State James F. Byrnes seemed to agree when he turned the anxiety
up a notch by explaining how “our possessing and demonstrating the bomb would
make Russia more manageable in the East ... The demonstration of the bomb might
impress Russia with America’s military might.”
General
Leslie Groves was less cryptic: “There was never, from about two weeks from the
time I took charge of this Project, any illusion on my part but that Russia was
our enemy, and the Project was conducted on that basis.”
During the
same time period, President Truman noted that Secretary of War Henry Stimson
was “at least as much concerned with the role of the atomic bomb in the shaping
of history as in its capacity to shorten the war.” What sort of shaping Stimson
had in mind might be discerned from his Sept. 11, 1945 comment to the
president: “I consider the problem of our satisfactory relations with Russia as
not merely connected but as virtually dominated by the problem of the atomic
bomb.”
Stimson
called the bomb a “diplomatic weapon,” and duly explained that “American
statesmen were eager for their country to browbeat the Russians with the bomb
held rather ostentatiously on our hip.”
“The
psychological effect [of Hiroshima and Nagasaki] on Stalin was twofold,”
proposes historian Charles L. Mee, Jr. “The Americans had not only used a
doomsday machine; they had used it when, as Stalin knew, it was not militarily
necessary. It was this last chilling fact that doubtless made the greatest
impression on the Russians.”
It also made
an impression on J. Robert Oppenheimer, the scientific director at Los Alamos.
After learning of the carnage wrought upon Japan, he began to harbor second
thoughts and he resigned in October 1945. In March of the following year,
Oppenheimer told Truman:
“Mr.
President, I have blood on my hands.”
Truman’s
reply?
“It’ll come
out in the wash.”
Later, the
president told an aide, “Don’t bring that fellow around again.”
“They’ll
spit in your eye”
“Why did we
drop (the bomb)?” pondered Studs Terkel, two decades ago. “So little Harry
could show Molotov and Stalin we’ve got the cards,” he explained. “That was the
phrase Truman used. We showed the goddamned Russians we’ve got something and
they’d better behave themselves in Europe. That’s why it was dropped. The
evidence is overwhelming. And yet you tell that to 99 percent of Americans and
they’ll spit in your eye.”
Let the
spitting begin.
Mickey
Z. is the author of 12 books,
most recently Occupy this Book: Mickey Z. on Activism. Until the laws are changed
or the power runs out, he can be found on the Web here and here. Anyone wishing to support
his activist efforts can do so by making a donation here.
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