China cannot afford to invest on a road that passes
through a disputed territory claimed both by India and Pakistan. —AFP/File
ISLAMABAD:
Pakistan is mulling to elevate the constitutional status of northern
Gilgit-Baltistan region in a bid to provide legal cover to the
multi-billion-dollar Chinese investment plan, officials said on Thursday.
The
move could signal a historic shift in the country's position on the future of
the wider Kashmir region, observers have said.
The
proposal would see the mountainous region mentioned by name for the first time
in the country's Constitution, bringing it one step closer to being fully
absorbed as an additional province.
Islamabad
has historically insisted the parts of Kashmir it controls are semi-autonomous
and has not formally integrated them into the country, in line with its
position that a referendum should be carried out across the whole of the
region.
Sajjad-ul-Haq,
spokesman for the chief minister of Gilgit-Baltistan Hafiz Hafeez ur Rehman,
told AFP: "A high level committee formed by the prime minister is working
on the issue, you will hear good news soon."
Rehman,
who arrived in Islamabad on Thursday, was working on the finishing touches to
the agreement, a senior official said, adding the document could be unveiled
"in a few days".
In
addition to being named in the Constitution, Gilgit-Baltistan would also send
two lawmakers to sit in the federal parliament — though they would be given
observer status only.
A
third top government official from Gilgit-Baltistan said the move was in
response to concerns raised by Beijing about the China Pakistan Economic
Corridor, the $46 billion infrastructure plan set to link China's western city
of Kashgar to the Pakistani port of Gwadar on the Arabian Sea.
"China
cannot afford to invest billions of dollars on a road that passes through a
disputed territory claimed both by India and Pakistan," the official,
speaking on condition of anonymity, said.
The
corridor plans have been strongly criticised by New Delhi, with India's Foreign
Minister Sushma Swaraj in June calling the project "unacceptable" for
crossing through Indian-claimed territory.
India
and Pakistan have fought two full-scale wars over Kashmir, and any changes to
the status quo could prove a further setback to hopes for dialogue that were
revived after Modi made the historic Lahore visit.
Those
efforts were already seen as fragile following a deadly attack on an Indian air
base near the Pakistan border Saturday that was followed by a 25-hour siege on
an Indian consulate in Afghanistan on Monday.
But
according to Pakistani strategic analyst Ayesha Siddiqa, the move could also signal
Islamabad's desire to end the Kashmir conflict by formally absorbing the
territory it controls — and, by extension, recognising New Delhi's claims to
parts of the region it controls, such as the Kashmir valley.
"If
we begin to absorb it so can India. It legitimises their absorption of the
Valley," she said.
Also read: AJK opposes giving provincial status to GB
History
GB’s
modern history can be traced back to the 19th century. In 1846, after many wars
and much bloodshed, GB was incorporated in the princely state of Jammu and
Kashmir by the Dogras. GB comprised several independent princely states, and
all of them now started paying revenue and taxes to the Dogra Raj. The Dogras
had an army for the region too, called the Gilgit Scouts.
The
Dogra Raj continued for a century, but 1947 spelled upheaval in South Asia and
GB was not spared either. With two sovereign states being carved out of united
India, GB found itself neither part of India nor part of Pakistan. Even though
the Dogras still maintained control over GB after August 1947, their influence
was on the wane.
The
Dogras were dealt a final blow when a local commander of the Gilgit Scouts, a
man named Colonel Mirza Hassan Khan, led a successful rebellion against the
Dogra Raj. A government was formed thereafter, for the new Republic of Gilgit,
whose president was Shah Raees Khan. Colonel Khan meanwhile became the chief of
the Gilgit Scouts.
The
new republic could only maintain itself for 16 days. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the
leader of Pakistan, was then approached and requested permission for Gilgit to
join the Pakistan federation. This was an unconditional offer, which was duly
accepted by Jinnah.
Ever
since its accession to Pakistan, Gilgit’s fortunes became intertwined with
those of Kashmir.
Editorial: Gilgit-Baltistan alienation
As
the matter of Kashmir went to the United Nations in 1948 for resolution, so did
the matter of Gilgit.
It
was claimed by Pakistani authorities at the time that Gilgit, like Kashmir, was
a disputed territory. Since both India and Pakistan were asking for a
UN-conducted plebiscite in disputed areas, their calculation was that Gilgit’s
people would vote in support of Pakistan and thus, swell the vote in favour of
Pakistan. In one move, therefore, Kashmir and Gilgit would officially be part
of Pakistan.
The
UN advised both India and Pakistan to remove their armies from all disputed
territories, so that a UN-supervised referendum could take place. Neither
country was prepared to let go of territories under their control, and the
matter went into cold storage.
In
1988, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto made changes to the laws governing the
Northern Areas. A new body, called the Northern Areas Council, was duly formed.
In her second tenure, Benazir introduced the Legal Framework Order (LFO)-1994,
which turned the Northern Areas Council into the Northern Areas Legislative
Council. The leader of the house of this body was the deputy chief executive,
while the minister of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas served as chief
executive.
The
most significant change made by Gen Musharraf was granting the Northern Areas
Legislative Assembly the right to amend the LFO but the PPP government that
came after the General unveiled a reforms package on September 8, 2009.
The
then Prime Minister Gilani did away with the term “Northern Areas” and replaced
it with “Gilgit-Baltistan”, a long-standing demand of the people of the area.
Under
the new law, the chief executive was now the chief minister, while there was
also provision for a federally-appointed governor. Advisors in the legislative
assembly were now ministers.
The
GB Council was now comprised 15 members, six of whom were elected from the GB
Legislative Assembly while the rest were elected members from Pakistani
assemblies. The prime minister was the council chairman, while the minister of
Kashmir Affairs was the deputy chairman. Meetings of this body were to be
mostly held in Islamabad.
The
GB Council was to serve as the upper house of parliament; legislation
pertaining to tourism, minerals, forests, as well as water and power all rested
with the Council.
In
unveiling the new laws, PM Gilani had used the word “autonomy” for GB, but in
truth, GB is still a disputed territory.
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