Monday, 29 September 2014

US offers big arms contract and technology to India

US offers big arms contract and technology to India
On the eve of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s US visit, the Pentagon has offered to jointly develop or manufacture 34 state-of-the-art weapon systems and technologies with India including the Javelin anti-tank missile and the Scorpion mutation bomb.
The deal for the Javelin, an infra-red guided missile with a range of nearly 5km that has been used in Afghanistan and Iraq, will include full transfer of technology. It features software that allows the missile to seek, track and destroy tanks. Earlier, India had been considering the purchase of Javelins worth $4billion.
According to the South Block officials, Bharat Dynamics Limited will be involved in the co-production of the Javelin and will also co-develop the next generation of the missile. The offer to build and develop the missile jointly was first made by President Barack Obama to Modi in a letter in July.
The Americans have also offered co-production of Textron-manufactured micro-observers or unattended ground sensors for deployment on the border, and co-development of the Scorpion, a bomb that has in-built sensors that allow command centres to accurately target enemy convoys.
Another weapon that has been offered for co-production is the 120mm canon gun made by ATK.
It is also understood that after a long delay, India is all set to acquire 24 Apache Longbow attack helicopters and 16 Chinook heavy lift helicopters under the foreign military sales route that involves government-to-government sale.
Indian and US diplomatic sources said that the Pentagon offers came during the September 22-25 meeting in Washington between a four-member Indian team led by defence production secretary G Mohan Kumar and US under secretary for acquisition and technologies Frank Kendall.
Modi will renew the 10-year-old bilateral defence framework for five more years during his visit and defence minister Arun Jaitley is expected to meet his US counterpart Chuck Hagel on October 8 after the IMF-World Bank meetings on the previous two days. The meeting between Jaitley and Hagel is expected to be attended by Gen Martin Dempsey, Chairman, joint chiefs of staff committee and commerce secretary Penny Priztker.



Saturday, 27 September 2014

China’s Choice - India or Pakistan? By Mu Chunshan

China’s Choice - India or Pakistan? By Mu Chunshan
September 27, 2014
Which South Asian country is more important for China’s future?
Among China’s relations with Asian neighbors, its ties with the countries in South Asia are generally considered to be the weakest. Now, with Sino-Japan tensions over the East China Sea and conflict with many Southeast Asian countries over the South China Sea, the role of South Asian countries has become more prominent. South Asia is now a focus in China’s regional strategy, as shown by President Xi Jinping’s recent visit to the area.
When it comes to South Asia, people think of India and Pakistan first. China has an “all weather friendship” with Pakistan but an ambivalent, often testy relationship with India. But the future is sometimes different from both the past and the present. Moving forward,  which country is more important for China? Even without a clear answer, just puzzling through this question can help make many issues clear.
In fact, we only to need to answer two questions to know whether India or Pakistan is more important for China. First, which one is a major power? Second, which one can better help China realize its interests?
Which is the major power, India or Pakistan? The answer is relatively simple — India. When it comes to international influence, India is part of BRICS and the G20 and is a leader of the developing world through the G77 and the Non-Aligned Movement. India is well poised to become a major power in the world arena.
The answer is even more obvious from the economic perspective. According to the World Bank, India’s GDP in 2013 was roughly $1.9 trillion. By contrast, Pakistan’s GDP was only $236 billion, only about 12 percent of India’s. In 2013, India was the 10th largest economy in the world in terms of GDP.
India’s economy is just beginning to boom; its growth rate in 2013 was 4.5 percent. Experts believe that India today is like China in the mid-1980s, poised for rapid economic growth. Despite many difficulties, there is no reason for India’s economic growth to come to a halt. By contrast, Pakistan has not enjoyed the same type of economic growth in the past decade. Of course, at 1.2 billion, India’s population is far greater than Pakistan’s, but even when looking at per capita GDP India outranks Pakistan. The gap between two countries will probably widen in the future, placing Pakistan at even more of a disadvantage when compared with India.
Of course, it’s worth asking the obvious question: as India becomes a major power in the international stage, will it necessarily be friendly toward China? Indeed, not all major countries look kindly on China — just look at Japan. However, Sino-Indian international cooperation far outweighs the disputes between two counties. This is the point where they can carry out friendly cooperation. China’s top leaders understand this clearly.
Though the Sino-Indian border problem has to be addressed, it is fundamentally different from the Sino-Japan conflict over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. The problem has not become a precondition and impediment for bilateral development; it is instead viewed as one of many issues that are part of a normal bilateral relationship between two countries. Looked at another way, existing issues in the Sino-Indian relationship have not impeded China’s important strategic initiative of “marching West.” Meanwhile, the China-Japan disputes have seriously impacted China’s strategy for oceanic development.
Since these two countries kicked off negotiations on border issue in 1981, China and India have establishedcoordination and communication mechanisms on a variety of fronts, including official meetings at the deputy-minister level, task-force meetings, meetings of diplomatic and military experts, special delegate meetings, and the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on China-India Border Affairs. It’s safe to say that these mechanisms rule out the possibility of war over the border issue, even though so-called sensitive incidents are often hyped by the media in both countries. By contrast, there are no such mature communication mechanisms for China and Japan in their dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands.
Given that India is a major power and that the Sino-India border issue has not scuttled bilateral relations, China has good reason to develop diplomatic ties with India. As top Chinese leaders are devoting much effort to establishing a presence in the South Asia, this trend will continue and intensify in the future. Beijing also hopes that India can become a partner to support China’s interests when it comes to international issues. For China, the potential rewards of such a strategy are huge.
For a country often seen as “isolated,” as China is, it’s extremely important to have a friend that shares the same stance on international issues. To play such a role, this partner should be economically strong with some clout in international politics. Besides Russia, India is the natural choice to play this role in China’s foreign policy. Hence, the answer to my second question becomes evident – a Sino-Indian partnership can help China achieve its national interests more quickly and easily.
Chinese leaders are aware of this. After taking office, China’s Premier Li Keqiang paid a visit to India as part of his first trip abroad. Li also proposed establishing the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor, a sign of how valuable India is to China. Undoubtedly, India was the most important destination during President Xi’s visit to the South Asia. It is quite rare for both top Chinese leaders to visit the same country so soon after taking office; this was China’s way of endorsing Sino-Indian friendship.
China and India already have similar positions on a number of issues, including their stances toward Syria, Russia’s involvement in Ukraine, and the need to protect the interests of developing countries. Together with Russia, these three countries have formed a kind of “quasi-alliance” relationship. These three countries already work together in the BRICS organization; now India is getting ready to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). These are the foundations for China and India to work together as major world powers.
Unlike India, Pakistan cannot become a top-level strategic partner of China in international affairs due to its limited capabilities in the world arena. Pakistan is not a major country in a global sense, although it plays an important role in regional affairs. Despite this, for a long time, China has tried to contain India diplomatically by intensifying bilateral relations with Pakistan. This formed the foundation for China to form a “strategic alliance” with Pakistan in the 1970s. As China seeks more cooperation with India, this rationale for the China-Pakistan friendship becomes less important.
At the same time, Pakistan is becoming more important to China due to the frequent occurrence of terrorist attacks in west China. Pakistan plays a bigger role in fighting terrorism than India, and Chinese leaders believe that terrorism will become a major obstacle for China in developing its western regions. In response, China has established an alliance with the SCO to fight terrorist forces in northwest China; it also works with Pakistan to do so in southwest China, giving new meaning to the “strategic alliance” between China and Pakistan.
However, Pakistan’s rise in importance brings both opportunities and risks for a stable Sino-Pakistani relationship. The strategically adjusted Sino-Indian relationship and new developments in anti-terrorist cooperation will pose constraints for the development of China-Pakistan relations.
The U.S.-Pakistan relationship deteriorated significantly due to different approaches to the fight against terrorism. China will have to be careful to avoid repeating the failure in U.S.-Pakistan relations when it comes to fighting terrorism. Based on my own interactions with Pakistani officials, though they expressed their support for fighting terrorism, they would not talk much about specific cooperation and results in this regard. Judging from Pakistan’s military capabilities and ideology, they face some objective and subjective constraints in fighting terrorism. That in turn could pose a constraint for future China-Pakistan cooperation. For example, the media will eagerly publicize China’s privately aired resentments in this regard to the international community.
Of course, there are also some constraints for developing Sino-Indian relations. Beyond the border issue, India’s cooperation with other Asian countries such as Japan and Vietnam could have a negative impact on Sino-India relations.
However, the criteria to judge if the Sino-Indian relation is healthy is to see if India has the intention to contain China in these outward activities. If Indian outreach to Japan and Vietnam is just part of normal national exchange, China should be tolerant. For example, Russia’s sales of weapons to Vietnam will not affect the strategic landscape between China and Russia.
Any relationship between major powers includes both cooperation and competition, and Sino-India relation is not an exception. The competition between China and India, however, is mostly about safeguarding territorial sovereignty. The conflict between China and Japan, as a comparison, goes deeper and involves the two countries’ differing outlooks on the international order. Therefore, the Sino-Japan competition is more problematic as each seeks to contain the development and international exchanges of the other country.
As China has become the world’s second largest economy (and will soon become number one), India has lost its edge to compete with China economically. The Indian people are quite realistic about this. Therefore, the economic competition between China and India will become less fierce in the future as India focuses on its own growth rather than comparing itself to China. In fact, the China-India partnership can benefit as China increases its investments and helps propel economic growth in India.
Politically, China is already accepted as an internationally important country, one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council and a major voice within the existing international order. India does not seek to challenge to China’s position. On the contrary, India seeks to work with China in certain international platforms (such as G20, BRICS, and now the SCO) so as to attain greater international influence. China already plays an important role in these organizations and can help India do the same. In this sense, both countries have stronger incentives to cooperate politically.
India is a major power with clear development prospects while Pakistan is a regionally important country facing an uncertain economic future. China has to take this into consideration with developing relations with India. However, this is not to say that Beijing should abandon Pakistan. It’s also in China’s interests to maintain friendly relations with Pakistan, both to in promote diplomatic relations in South Asia and to fight terrorism.


Pak High Commissioner- Hurriyat meeting, ill timed, could have been avoided- Sartaz Aziz

Pak High Commissioner- Hurriyat meeting, ill timed, could have been avoided- Sartaz Aziz

Advisor to the Pakistan Prime Minister on National Security and Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz on Saturday regretted the meeting of Pakistan High Commissioner with the Hurriyat leaders in New Delhi ahead of India-Pak Secretary level talks last month.   

In an exclusive interaction with Headlines Today on the sidelines of UNGA meeting, Aziz said the meeting with Kashmiri extremist leaders was ill-timed.

"The timing of the meeting between Pakistan High Commissioner to India and the Hurriyat leaders was not right and it could have been avoided. The newly-elected leaders of both the countries missed an opportunity of starting a dialogue."

However, he insisted that Pakistan can't ignore Hurriyat.
"The talks should not have been cancelled as the issue was not that big. Kashmiri leaders have been meeting us as the Kashmir is one of the issues, which is to be discussed. Dialogues with Hurriyat leaders has been a regular practise since last 20-30 years."

He further added that, "We are upset after India cancelled the talks. Talks are the only way forward for us. Now, the ball is in India's court to come up with a date."

Praises Modi's for his UNGA speech

Aziz praised Modi for his 'positive' speech at UN General Assembly.

"What I find very positive is Prime Minister Narendra Modi's speech at UNGA in which he said I want to improve relations with our neighbours including Pakistan," said Aziz.
Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/sartaz-aziz-pakistan-high-commissioner-hurriyat-meeting-ill-timed-narendra-modi-speech-unga/1/393121.html


Who is Baba Jan? By Zehra Naviwala

Published Jul 29, 2012 03:50am
“Baba Jan! Baba Jan! Baba Jan ko raha karo!” A diverse group of roughly 100 protesters chanted at a rally, as they marched all the way from Aabpara Chowk to the Islamabad Press Club on July 6 and demanded for the release of Baba Jan.
The protesters – members of the Labour Party Pakistan (LPP), Progressive Youth Front Lahore, National Trade Union Federation, Carpet Workers Union, International Socialists, and Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI) – were marching to demand justice for Baba Jan, an LPP activist who had been detained and repeatedly tortured by the Pakistani government since the previous year.
The Baba Jan saga
Hundreds of Gilgit-Baltistan villages were swept along with the crumbling mountain, and submerged into Hunza River, leaving over 1,000 displaced, with no access to the rest of Pakistan because of the damage done to the Karakoram Highway.
According to The Free Baba Jan Campaign, which consists of many LPP members, after the formation of Attabad Lake, it was Baba Jan who led the Gilgit-Baltistan community, lobbying the government to compensate the displaced people of the valley and solve their problems in the aftermath of the devastating landslide. He organised protests that led to the Pakistani government’s final agreement to compensate the displaced victims of the landslide.
Eventually, a list of 457 families was compiled for compensation, but 25 families had yet to be compensated by the government.
It is the struggle for the rights of these 25 families that turned violent and led to the eventual arrest of Baba Jan.
According to activists involved in the movement, things took a dramatic turn on August 11, 2011 in Aliabad, when the police used violent means to disperse the protesters. They began with a baton-charge but then progressed to release of tear gas, finally opening fire at the crowd. Two unarmed protesters were killed – Afzal Baig 22, and his father, Sher Ullah Baig as he was trying to retrieve Afzal’s body. In the aftermath of these deaths, Baba Jan arrived to organise more protests and put pressure on the police to investigate the Baig killings. But campaigners for Baba Jan related that facing pressure; the police arrested Baba Jan and his fellow activists instead and charged them for violating Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorism Act.
A Labour Party Pakistan press release states that Baba Jan has been treated brutally in jail and tortured cruelly: “Baba Jan was subjected to torture for three to four hours at a stretch: beaten with sticks, and his feet crushed under heavy boots for three days in a row. He was denied treatment for his many injuries, despite the orders of the court.”
Since then, many activists have been released on bail, but five men remain. Including Baba Jan, these five have become known as the Hunza Five. Two out of the five activists, Rashid Minhas and Amir Ali, were released on bail on June 27, but the other three – Iftikhar Hussain, Ameer Khan, and Baba Jan – remain in prison.
Missing spotlight
Why is Baba Jan’s case, an example of human rights violation, not getting picked up by mainstream media? To date, only two media organisations have consistently covered Mr Jan’s case and a vast majority of other reports that are coming out on the issue are tagged as biased since they come from sources like local newspapers in Gilgit-Baltistan or the Pamir Times which is a not-for-profit online “news and views blog” initiated by the youth of Gilgit.
For Aman Kariapper, a member of the LPP, the reason for media overlooking Baba Jan is “the lack of organisation and other weaknesses of Left parties in general, and specifically in the Labour Party, as well as a corporate media ‘system’ that has an agenda that diverges from the idea of projecting the voice of the oppressed”.
However, LPP Spokesperson Farooq Tariq explains that even though Baba Jan is not receiving much media attention, “the case is getting more attention via social media like Facebook, and international human rights organisations like Amnesty International and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.”
Zohra Yousuf from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan also explains that because the issue is based in the marginalised Gilgit-Baltistan, and Pakistan is currently facing such a large number of problems, Baba Jan’s case is continuously overshadowed by other pressing issues, and pushed back.
Baba Jan, a ‘terrorist’
A young activist for Baba Jan expressed his anger eloquently: “It is shameful how the government is using the Anti-Terrorism Act against a Pakistani activist. The Act is being misused systematically to redefine protesters as terrorists. ‘Terrorist’ is a powerful word, and it certainly does not apply here.”
And the LPP in its regular press releases strongly condemns such violation of due process and human rights – especially on the alleged killing of the Baigs by the police.
Part of the problem is of visibility. Another protester explained: “Because the injustice being committed against Baba Jan is mostly evident in Islamabad only, the anger felt by many other people all over the country does not get registered.”
On July 18, the campaign to free Baba Jan stated that the Anti-Terrorism Court dismissed the bail application on the basis that the court was never officially informed of the ATA charges that were filed against Baba Jan on June 28 for rioting in Gilgit Jail in late April.
The bail appeal would normally wait for the joint investigation team (JIT) to complete its report and submit it to the Anti-Terrorism Court but an LPP spokesman, Farooq Tariq, stated that “Baba Jan and another activist, Iftikhar Hussain, were abducted from Gilgit jail on July 20 by a JIT and are being tortured and kept in illegal detention.”
And as the legal team fights out its battles, the campaign plans to build the pressure. The campaign’s next move is to begin a mass movement in Gilgit-Baltistan for the release of the Hunza Five. But if this bout of campaigning would make it to mainstream media, remains to be seen.

Friday, 26 September 2014

The weak state of Pakistan, William Milam

The weak state of Pakistan, William Milam
Political theory scholars continue to argue over the concept of strong and weak states, not only how each got that way, but also whether the condition, no matter how it is defined, is immutable or improvable. This has become especially relevant in the past few decades in the larger context of state failure giving impetus to regional instability and spawning extremism, as well as in the decided retrogression of democratization around the world.
The characteristics of strong and weak states are not so much in dispute as the determinants. The main criteria for a strong state are control over its entire territory. Secondary benchmarks such as the ability to protect its citizens, to provide law and order, justice, and other public goods are also important.
But as to determinants, scholars are all over the place. Some still believe that geography is destiny, that for example that mountainous terrain is not fertile ground for strong states, while flat terrain is because it supports sedentary agriculture. Afghanistan, they say, cannot build a strong state. But what about flat and fertile Bangladesh which aspires to be a strong state but flunks almost every test of governance. And what about Peru where the Incas built a strong state in very mountainous terrain and with that state about 40,000 km of roads. (Maybe it was the roads that made the state strong.)
Pakistan has used geography to weaken the state
The explanations that make more sense focus on social and cultural factors, and especially on how the institutions of the state are created and evolve over time. I am tempted to point out that Pakistan has used geography to weaken the state, not strengthen it, by relying for many years on its geostrategic significance to avoid political and economic reform.
The debate goes back to the 17th century, to the cleavage between Thomas Hobbes, who conceived of a “social contract” that gave rulers absolute power to govern—the Leviathan, Hobbes called it—and those who followed John Locke and spoke for a social contract that limited government, giving rights that would be considered “inalienable” to the people. Hobbes felt that only the strong would survive without an absolute power imposing order and his social contract traded individual liberty for safety and order. Locke argued, essentially, that some rights are universal and governments’ job is to protect those rights.
Some scholars have found evidence of societies in which the disadvantaged run from strong states, opting out of the society for fear that an authoritarian strong state will be the instrument of repression and extraction by its elites. But others have also found that some disadvantaged segments of society see a strong, sometimes authoritarian state, as a bulwark against their own rapacious elites. And some recent research has posited the idea of a “consensually strong” state, one which is strong because its citizens insist it be so to provide the public goods they desire. They have the power to turn out the government if these good are not forthcoming. This seems to be the case in Scandinavia, where the states are politically weak, under direct control of their citizens. So unlike the authoritarian states which cannot be controlled by their citizens, and thus provide public goods of their own choosing, sometimes aimed at increasing the economic rents that its elites rake off, these consensually strong states are controlled by their citizens and must give the public what it demands.
Pakistan could be poised to choose the Lockian path of limited government and assured rights
It is not clear where all this leaves us with regard to Pakistan. I suspect that all political theory scholars would agree that is that Pakistan is a flagrant example of a weak state. It appears to be among those who are overtly weak— those for which the answer to core question of state strength—whether it controls its own territory, or to put it another way, whether it maintains a monopoly on the use of violence throughout its territory, the bedrock definition of a strong state—is clearly a ringing “no.” This is indisputable given a 40-year insurgency in Baluchistan, the decade-long war against the Pakistan Taliban, as well the existence of a plethora of armed militant groups throughout the country with agendas that are in stark contrast to the government’s agenda and which, in many cases, seem to operate openly and often with an apparent measure of impunity. In addition, Pakistan falls far short in many of the other measures of state strength. These include most of the areas of governance—law and order, justice, health services, education, social advancement of women, and the provision of many other public goods.
But whether this is a clear and certain signal of the inevitable failure of the state over some timeline we can see only dimly is not sure. Yes, all the signs look dismal at present. It will take a sweeping transformation of the society and the polity to reverse the course. One could call it a revolution, but the trouble with revolutions is that the guys with the guns usually win, and in Pakistan’s case that is either the army or the extremists.
Two very small glimmers of light that flicker in the tunnel ahead interest me, however, though they are too weak to cast any glow of optimism. First, many Pakistanis now seem to realize that hiding from necessary reform behind “geographic significance” is not just counterproductive, it is downright pernicious. The question is: will the public demand that the politicians recognize this. If the public does not, then the politicians will not. And Pakistan’s friends, whose core interest must be helping to build a strong but democratic state, may be awakening to that thought also. A reformed Pakistan that lives within its means would be a welcome turnaround.
Second, unlike Bangladesh, its former other half, which appears to have chosen the Hobbesian authoritarian path to strength (and is unlikely to achieve it), Pakistan could be poised to choose the Lockian path of limited government and assured rights. The recent hijinks in the streets of Islamabad show democratic feeling still strong, both in regard to the undemocratic way the marchers wanted to change the government, but also in the lack of support for military involvement. I note also that a small core of very brave Pakistanis continue to push for the extension of, codification of, and enforcement of universal human rights. This is a very small and weak seed, but with careful nurturing could produce a green shoot of two. Pakistan’s foreign friends should perhaps take notice and find ways to keep the seed alive.
The author is a former US diplomat who was Ambassador to Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Chief of Mission in Liberia
- See more at: http://www.thefridaytimes.com/tft/the-weak-state-of-pakistan/#sthash.e8pOIX59.dpuf


Pakistan Is Building Smaller Nukes, But They Just Might Be More Dangerous

Pakistan Is Building Smaller Nukes, But They Just Might Be More Dangerous
Pakistan is likely working to create tactical nuclear weapons, which are smaller warheads built for use on battlefields rather than cities or infrastructure. These weapons are diminutive enough to be launched from warships or submarines, which makes them easier to use on short notice than traditional nuclear weapons.

Developing tactical nuclear weapons calls for miniaturization of current weaponry (the "Davy Crockett," developed by the US in the '50s, was designed to launch from a simple tripod). But as The Washington Post reports, analysts are divided on whether Pakistan will be able to make warheads tiny enough for sea-launching.

There's less uncertainty about the military advantage gained with such weapons. A warhead-toting navy would allow Pakistan to stay nuclear-capable regardless of what happens to its homeland, where its nuclear infrastructure is spread out. 

The trade-off there, for both Pakistan and the world, is that nuclear missiles become more likely to fall into rogue hands, whether those of a maverick military commander or extremist groups. At a land-based facility, a hijacker would need "to commandeer two separate facilities, with two separate security procedures and local commanders," Jonah Blank, a political scientist with the RAND Corporation, wrote in an email to Business Insider. "For a sea-based nuclear device, a rogue operator would need only to commandeer one asset: A submarine or surface vessel." Other safeguards exist - US submarines, for instance, require complex codes before permitting a nuclear offensive - but faster access still simplifies one factor in a high-stake equation.
Historically, deterrence and the stability it brings is often the salutary result of rivals with equal nuclear capability. It's also Pakistan's stated goal. Last September a statement from a meeting of the National Command Authority (which directs nuclear policy and development) said Pakistan is developing "a full-spectrum deterrence capability to deter all forms of aggression." The meeting was presided by Pakistani prime minister Nawaz Sharif.

"India has what's called the triad, the ability to launch nuclear weapons form air, land, and now soon by sea. Pakistan is looking for the same," Arif Rafiq, a researcher at the Middle East Institute, told Business Insider. He believes nuclear parity between the countries has achieved deterrence. "Since India and Pakistan tested nuclear weapons in 1998, there has been a greater level of restraint in terms of the behavior of both countries when it comes to war," Rafiq said. "They've advanced their nuclear arsenal but they've also taken significant steps towards normalizing relations."

While nuclear weapons can be beneficial, Rafiq doesn't exactly applaud them: "Having one nuclear warhead is something that's terrible enough for this world," he said.

Source: http://defence.pk/threads/pakistan-is-building-smaller-nukes-but-they-just-might-be-more-dangerous.335917/#ixzz3ESmaGa7S

Nawaz condemns all forms of terrorism at UNGA

NEW YORK: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on Friday addressed the United Nations General Assembly during which he condemned all forms of terrorism and sought better relations between Pakistan and its immediate neighbours.

At the beginning of his address, Prime Minister Sharif drew attention towards climatic change and its affects in Pakistan especially the recent heavy rains and floods.
The prime minister said Pakistan was facing the grave danger of terrorism and added that the country’s military had rendered great sacrifices during the past 13 years and continues to make efforts to eliminate terrorism.
Sharif said he condemned terrorism of all forms including the ‘genocide of Palestinians in Gaza’.
“Pakistan wants to improve relations with its neighbours,” Sharif said adding that Pakistan and Afghanistan face similar challenges.
He also expressed disappointment over India’s cancellation of secretary-level talks between the two countries.
“People of the sub-continent are losing out opportunities of progress and development due to regional conflicts,” the premier added.
He said Pakistan will pursue a policy of nuclear restraint and credible minimum deterrence.
Sharif also said that “As a responsible nuclear weapon state, we will continue to support the objectives of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation; and pursue a policy of nuclear restraint and credible minimum deterrence.”
“Pakistan is not participating in any arms race in the region. Yet we cannot be oblivious to the emerging security scenarios and build up of armaments. We too, have the obligation to maintain a robust and reliable deterrence,” he added.
He reiterated the need for an “inter-linked mechanism for pursuing nuclear restraint, conventional equilibrium and conflict resolution. To promote stability, we are prepared to explore new Confidence Building Measures.”
Pakistan, he said, has maintained the highest standards of nuclear safety and security. “At the last Summit at The Hague that I attended, Pakistan's recent nuclear measures, especially the establishment of a Centre of Excellence, were appreciated.”
He said, “Pakistan is a State with advanced nuclear technology, with an experience of more than 40 years. We are a mainstream partner in the international non-proliferation regime.
Pakistan also has a stringent national export control system that is fully harmonised with international export control regimes. Though a non-member, we are abiding by their guidelines.”
He said: “Pakistan ought to be a part of these export control regimes, especially the Nuclear Suppliers Group. Pakistan also qualifies for full access to civil nuclear technology, to overcome its energy shortages and spur economic growth.”
Prime Minister Sharif earlier addressed the United Nations peacekeeping summit during which he said Pakistan was playing a key role in the organisation's peacekeeping missions and expressed the country's resolve to continue with the efforts.
Sharif also paid tribute to those who had sacrificed their lives in the fight against terrorism and said Pakistan was willing to provide training for the UN peacekeeping missions.
He also called for the expansion of the domain of talks between members of the peacekeeping mission.
The premier said that 140 military personnel of the country had lost their lives while serving with the UN peace corps, adding that Pakistan had also sent its troops to the Central African Republic on the call of United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
He further said that Pakistan had been serving the United Nations peacekeeping missions since 1960.
Earlier, Nawaz Sharif met with United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the UN headquarters in New York on Thursday.
According to a statement released by Ban's office, the UN Secretary-General offered his condolences to Sharif for the victims of the recent floods in Pakistan.
Ban also spoke about the security situation in the country and Pakistan's relationship with neighbours Afghanistan and India.
Prime Minister Sharif urged the United Nations Secretary General to take steps for the peaceful settlement of Kashmir dispute, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of UN Security Council.
The prime minister also met with World Bank president Jim Yong Kim, UN Secretary General's Special Envoy for Global Education and former British prime minister, Gordon Brown and other global leaders.
Speaking to the Pakistani community in New York, Prime Minister Sharif defended his mandate and downplayed the anti-government protests being held in the country's federal capital. He pledged to pull Pakistan out of difficulties.
The prime minister was accompanied by Adviser on National Security and Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz, Special Assistant Tariq Fatemi, Ambassador to the United States Jalil Abbas Jilani and Consul General in New York Raja Ali Ejaz.