Enough enriched uranium in
Iran for 4 nuclear weapons. N-Bomb awaits Saudis in Pakistan
Saudi King Abdullah and
Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu were not won over by President Barack
Obama's pledges in personal phone calls to the two Middle East leaders last
week not to allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon. Their skepticism only grew.
This development in the
Iranian nuclear controversy finds two of the three leaders trapped in a
credibility gap between their public pronouncements and the Iranian reality
which has long overtaken them both.
Obama’s oft-repeated
pledge is canceled out by most Western nuclear experts, who are convinced that
Iran managed to advance to a capacity for producing four nuclear bombs, under
cover of protracted diplomacy. In their view, the current first-step deal,
followed by a comprehensive accord in six months' time, are merely an attempt
by the six world powers to hold Iran back from expanding its arsenal any
further.
The US president’s avowals
are therefore hollow.
Saudi princes and
officials have often said that if Iran acquires a nuclear weapon or reaches the
threshold of this capacity, the oil kingdom will not lag behind.
All Riyadh needs to do
now, say DEBKAfile’s
Middle East sources, is to invoke the agreement signed with Islamabad in 2004,
under which Saudi funding was provided for Pakistan’s nuclear bomb program in
return for some of the bombs or warheads produced to await Saudi Arabia’s call
for their delivery, complete with the appropriate missiles.
Pakistan denies the
existence of this transaction.
However, military and
intelligence experts in the West are certain that although this transfer has
not yet taken place, it will soon, in the light of the edge Iran has gained in
its current negotiations with the West.
Therefore, Obama’s phone
conversation with Abdullah was more concerned with keeping a nuclear bomb out
of Saudi hands than out of Iran’s.
Since 2008, the Israeli
prime minister has vowed time and time again to prevent Iran reaching a
nuclear threshold, making it clear that the Israeli armed forces
would be sent into action - if need be.
So his credibility deficit
is on a par with Obama’s.
At the Western Wall,
Thursday, Nov. 11, on Hanukkah eve, Binyamin Netanyahu paraphrased a popular
festival song to declare: “We came to drive out the darkness and the largest
darkness that threatens the world today is a nuclear Iran!”
What did he mean by those
words, if not an intention to exercise Israel’s military option to “drive out
the darkness?”
Maj. Gen. (res) Yakov
Amidror – until recently National Security Adviser to the prime minister -
wrote last week in The New York Times that Iran already has enough enriched
uranium to make four bombs. “The Geneva deal, in short, did not address the
nuclear threat at all,” he wrote
Iran reached that point
more than a year ago, so how to take the repeated pledges by the prime minister
to “act itself, by itself” to prevent this happening?
Prime Minister Netanyahu
has carefully avoided presenting the Knesset or the people with a clear picture
of where Israel stands in relation to Iran’s nuclear program, has never
laid out his policy on the question or depicted what the future may
hold.
And so his “military
option” has progressively waned in credibility both at home and abroad.
In Obama’s phone call to Netanyahu, DEBKAfile’s intelligence and Washington sources report that the president described at length the US intelligence measures to be applied for verifying Iran’s compliance with the Geneva deal. He said that its findings would be referred to Israeli intelligence for a second assessment.
In Obama’s phone call to Netanyahu, DEBKAfile’s intelligence and Washington sources report that the president described at length the US intelligence measures to be applied for verifying Iran’s compliance with the Geneva deal. He said that its findings would be referred to Israeli intelligence for a second assessment.
Obama also suggested a
visit to Washington by an Israeli military intelligence delegation of nuclear
experts to finalize the details of US-Israeli collaboration for verifying that
Iran was living up to its commitments under the near accords.
When this US-Israeli dialogue reached their ears, the Iranians were furious. Thursday, Nov. 28, Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, dropping the genial mien he assumed in Geneva, reverted to harsh Islamic Republican-speak when he said: “Never such a thing will happen and definitely we will not be in the room in which representatives from the Zionist regime will have a presence!”
When this US-Israeli dialogue reached their ears, the Iranians were furious. Thursday, Nov. 28, Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, dropping the genial mien he assumed in Geneva, reverted to harsh Islamic Republican-speak when he said: “Never such a thing will happen and definitely we will not be in the room in which representatives from the Zionist regime will have a presence!”
It was clear that Tehran
would boycott the technical discussion on the details of the Geneva accord if
Israeli experts were to sit in a side room, a proposal which might also be
extended to Saudi Arabia, as the two Middle East nations most directly at risk
from an Iranian nuclear capacity.
Then, Friday, President
Hassan Rouhani weighed in to further devalue the Geneva accord’s international
worth. In an interview with The Financial Times,
he said Iran would never dismantle its atomic facilities. Asked whether this
was a "red line" for the Islamic republic, Rouhani replied: "100
per cent."
In other words, not only
Netanyahu but Obama too can forget about any hopes they may have entertained of
Iran shutting down its Fordo enrichment plant, or holding up the construction
of its heavy water plant in Arak for the production of plutonium.
Tuesday, Nov, 26, two days
after the six powers signed their first-step nuclear accord with Iran,
Netanyahu called the security cabinet into special session which went on into
the night to hear and debate briefings from IDF intelligence (AMAN)
officers.
No word has leaked from
that session, but some sources claimed anonymously that the
ministers received the most optimistic outlook they had heard in years.
Before giving weight to
such possible optimism, DEBKAfile’s analysts recall AMAN’s 2011 prediction
that Bashar Assad’s downfall was imminent, and its misreading of the situations
prevailing in Washington and Tehran.
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