Why The Sino Indian
Great Game Extends To Iran – Analysis
BY ANITA INDER SINGH MARCH 23, 2016
Twenty-first century
India and China are looking beyond their disputed state frontiers and competing
to build road and rail links, or oil and gas pipelines, in foreign countries,
and to keep a watchful eye on international sea routes. The lifting of
international sanctions against Iran last January raised the curtain over the
complex and expanding Sino-Indian great game in Asia.
Home to the world’s
second largest gas reserves and one seventh of its oil, Iran, a West Asian
power with a population of 80 million, has much to offer energy-hungry India
and China. As it recovers from the adverse effects of several years of American-led
economic sanctions, Iran welcomes foreign investment, technological support and
infrastructure upgrades from India and China to sustain its economic revival.
Why is India thinking west – to Iran?
To counter its
archrival China economically and politically, India is already “Acting East” by
strengthening economic and defense ties with East Asian countries. A more
recent concept, as S. Jaishankar, India’s Foreign Secretary, told a conference
in New Delhi in early March, is that of “Thinking West.” ‘Normalization of the
situation in Iran is particularly welcome’, he said. That underlined the
construction by India of the Chabahar port in south-eastern Iran and
strengthening trading ties with Iran.
The significance of
the Chabahar project should not be underestimated, for India has not started
any comparable ventures in Southeast Asia. Sino-Indian competition in the
Arabian Sea has sharpened since 2013, when Pakistan gave China control over
Gwadar port. China now has a permanent presence in the Indian Ocean and Persian
Gulf and can monitor Indian and American maritime and naval activity in those
international waters.
While India intends
to use Chabahar primarily for commercial purposes its interest in constructing
the port mirrors its wish to counter China’s strategic vantage point in Gwadar.
Chabahar and Gwadar
now symbolize the Sino-Indian rivalry in the Arabian Sea, Indian Ocean and
Persian Gulf.
Wanting to increase Iranian energy imports and involved with several projects in Iran, India hopes to make Chabahar fully operative by the end of this year. In May 2015 India and Iran signed a Memorandum of Understanding for India to construct the strategically important port which would pave the way for India to gain access by land and sea to Afghanistan and Central Asia.
Wanting to increase Iranian energy imports and involved with several projects in Iran, India hopes to make Chabahar fully operative by the end of this year. In May 2015 India and Iran signed a Memorandum of Understanding for India to construct the strategically important port which would pave the way for India to gain access by land and sea to Afghanistan and Central Asia.
India’s development
of Chabahar suits Iran. Tehran’s fears that China’s Gwadar project would weaken
Iran’s position as the entrance to Central Asia prompted it to develop Chabahar
with India’s help.
The interest in
Iranian energy shows why India accords great importance to economic and
strategic connectivity. The fully functional Chabahar port would help New Delhi
to ignore Islamabad’s refusal to grant India and Afghanistan transit facilities
through Pakistan. This absence of transit rights is the main barrier to India’s
trade, energy flows and economic ties with Afghanistan and Iran – and more
generally to West and Central Asia. To cross this barrier India wants to build
a road running from Chabahar via Afghanistan to Central Asia. This Iran-Afghanistan
route could help India to improve access to energy-rich Central Asian
countries.
Eventually India
envisages that Chabahar could be linked through rail and road networks to the
International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a multinational project
started in 2000 by India, Iran and Russia. But the INSTC needs to be developed
if it is to fulfill New Delhi’s hope that it will become the shortest and most
economical route from India through Iran and Afghanistan to Central Asia and
Europe. Transport costs and freight time from India to Central Asia could be
cut by about a third via Chabahar. The port would also provide India with a
transit route to Afghanistan. And it would give landlocked Afghanistan an
outlet to the sea – an outcome that is favored by the U.S., which was once
determined to isolate Iran. India sees its Chabahar project as a potential game
changer in West and Central Asia, running parallel to China’s East-West
Silk Road.
But China has a head
start in Iran. Unlike India, China defied US nuclear sanctions on Iran and
bought nearly half of its oil exports. Beijing’s courtship of Tehran saved Iran
from international pariah status. That courtship enabled Chinese firms to
occupy the space vacated by Western companies that had grown nervous about
international pressure on Tehran. China gained uncontested access to Iran’s
energy resources.
So when the US and
other permanent members of the UN Security Council reached, in April 2015, a
preliminary agreement to end sanctions on Iran, China was Iran’s largest
trading partner. Bilateral Sino-Iranian trade stood at around $ 50 billion. In
contrast, trade between Iran and India amounted to a mere $ 13.13 billion in
2014-15.
India faces tough
competition from China in Iran. Beijing’s offer to Tehran last November to
develop Chabahar – six months after the signing of the Indo-Iranian MOU – shows
that China remains keen to outflank India in Iran.
China’s construction
of the economic corridor (CPEC) with its ally Pakistan is one reflection of its
wish to enhance its strategic and economic competitiveness in Iran. That
worries India, partly because CPEC passes through the contested territory of
Pakistani Kashmir, which was the launch pad for recent Chinese intrusions into
Indian territory. China has invested $ 46 billion in CPEC. Some of this money
is being used to build a new pipeline which starts from the South Pars gas
field in Iran. When completed, this pipeline would extend to Multan in
Pakistan. The pipeline could help Pakistan to reduce its crippling energy
shortages. Most of the 1172 km-long pipeline will run through Iran, which has
already completed the pipeline on its side of the border with Pakistan. The
Pakistani section of the pipeline remains to be built– so China’s investment in
the pipeline will enhance its prestige in Tehran. For Iran is interested in
extending this pipeline to China.
Conclusion
India faces an uphill climb as it tries to outmaneuver China in Iran.
But India’s determination to upgrade ties with Iran and develop Chabahar with a
view to strengthening its ties/connectivity with Afghanistan and Central Asian
countries highlights the expanding parameters of the Sino-Indian great game in the rest of Asia.
http://www.eurasiareview.com/23032016-why-the-sino-indian-great-game-extends-to-iran-analysis/#at_pco=smlwn-1.0&at_si=5835fdcea8067496&at_ab=per-2&at_pos=0&at_tot=1
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